BOOK 1031. his eyes on the ground with wonderful reverence; and pouring out (if I may say so) rivers of tears, the Great, he implored the aid of the saints. But when the moment came of presenting his gifts upon the altar, how often did he impress the pavement with his kisses! how often did he strike his venerable breast! what sighs! what prayers that he might not be found unworthy of the mercy of the Supreme! At length his attendants stretched forth his munificent oblation, which the king himself placed on the altar. But why do I say the altar, when I remember that I myself saw him go round every part of the monasteries, and pass no altar, however small, on which he did not leave a present, and which he did not salute? Then came the poor, and were all separately relieved. These and other bounties of the lord Canute, I your slave! Oh, St. Omer, St. Bertin! myself beheld in your monasteries; for which do you pray that such a king may live in the heavenly habitations, as your servants, the canons and monks, are daily petitioning. 9931 THIS incident is inserted, because it affords a striking contrast to some actions of Canute's earlier life. A Dunstan might have acted such a scene for its theatrical effect. But in the proud master of so many conquered kingdoms, the emotions must have been those of his mind and heart. CANUTE has himself described his journey to Rome in a public document, addressed to all the orders of the English nation: he says, he went 31 Encomium Emmæ, 173. 22 This Letter of Canute's is in Flor. Wig. 394-397.; Ingulf, 59-61.; and Malmsb. p. 74, 75. Its substance is stated in Matt. West. 407., and elsewhere. CHAP. XI. Canute for the redemption of his sins, and the welfare of his subjects; that he had projected it before, but had been hindered by business and other impedi- the Great. ments. He adds: 33 "Be it known to you, that there was a great assembly of nobles at the Easter solemnity, with the lord the pope John, and Conrad the emperor. There were all the princes of the people, from Mount Gargano to the sea, who all received me with dignity, and honoured me with valuable presents. I was particularly honoured with various gifts and costly presents from the emperor, as well with gold and silver vessels, as with very rich apparel. I spake with the emperor, the pope, and the princes, on the necessities of my English and Danish subjects, that a more equal law, and better safeguard, might be granted to them in their journies to Rome; that they might not be hindered at so many fortified passages, nor oppressed by such unjust exactions. The emperor assented, and Rodolph, the king4, who rules most of the passages, and all the princes established, that my subjects, whether merchants or travellers from piety, might go and return to Rome without detention or exaction. "I ALSO complained before the pope, and expressed myself highly displeased that such an im 33 He was the fourth emperor after Otho the Great. 34 In Florence he is called Rodulph; so in Malmsb. 74. But in Ingulph, both in Gale's edition, p. 60. and that of Frankfort, p. 893., he is named Robert. The difference is not merely verbal. Rodulph was the king of Burgundy; aud Robert, the son and successor of Hugh Capet, was the king of France. But as the clausuræ, or fortified passages, of which Canute speaks, were probably those of the Alps, which Rodulph commanded; and as Robert died in 1030, and Canute's journey is usually placed in 1031, there can be no doubt that Rodulph is the right reading. 1031, VI. BOOK mensity of money should be extorted from my Canute archbishops when they came to Rome for the the Great. pall. It was declared that this should not happen again." 1031. CANUTE, after mentioning that these concessions were ratified by oaths before four archbishops, twenty bishops, and an innumerable multitude of dukes and nobles, exclaims: "Therefore I return my liberal thanks to Almighty God, that all things which I desired, I have prosperously achieved as I had contemplated, and have fulfilled all my wishes." IN the subsequent paragraphs of his public letter, he alludes nobly to his former conduct. In viewing his past actions with sentiments of regret, and in publicly confessing that he intends an amendment, he displays a greatness of mind which kings of such successful ambition have seldom reached. Canute is an instance, rarely paralleled, of a character improved by prosperity. His worst actions were in his days of peril. When the full glory of established and multiplied power shone around him, his heart became humble, pious, and ennobled. Educated among vikingr, his first misconduct may be referred to his tuition. His latter feelings were the produce of his improved intellect and magnanimity. "BE it also known to all, that I have vowed to Almighty God to govern my life henceforward by rectitude, to rule my kingdoms and people justly, and piously to observe equal judgment every where; and if, through the intemperance and negligence of my youth, I have done what was not just, I will endeavour, hereafter, by God's help, entirely to amend it. Therefore I beseech and XI. Canute 1031. command all my concilliarii to whom I have con- CHAP. fided the councils of my kingdom, that they in no shape suffer or consent to any injustice throughout the Great. my realm, neither from fear of me, nor from favour to any person of power; I command all the sheriffs and governors of all my realm, as they value my friendship or their own safety, that they impose unjust violence on no man, whether rich or poor; but that the noble and their inferiors, the wealthy and the needy, may enjoy their property justly. This enjoyment must not be infringed in any manner, neither in behalf of the king, nor any other man of power, nor on the pretext of collecting money for me, because there is no necessity that money should be obtained for me by unjust exaction." AFTER alluding to some enemies whom he had pacified, and mentioning that he was returning to Denmark, whence, as soon in the summer as he could procure shipping, he proposed to visit England; he continues: "I HAVE sent this letter first, that all my people may rejoice in my prosperity, because as you yourselves know, I have never forborne to apply myself and my labour, nor will I ever forbear to devote either to the necessary utility of all my people." THESE patriotic sentiments, from a royal pen, are highly valuable. Such kings give new splendor to their thrones, and secure to themselves that perpetuity of fame which mortality so covets. CHAP. XII. The Reign of HAROLD the First, surnamed HAREFOOT. BOOK CANUTE, at his death', left VI. Harold 1035. Harold, and Hardicanute. three sons, Svein, In his life he had the First. placed Svein over Norway?, and he wished that Harold should rule in England, and Hardicanute in Denmark. At the council which met at Oxford to elect a new sovereign, the opinions were divided. The chiefs of Danish descent and connections chose Harold; the West-Saxons, headed by earl Godwin, preferred his brother Hardicanute, because his mother, Emma, had been the wife of Ethelred, and was a favourite with the AngloSaxons. The children of Ethelred who were in Normandy were also remembered; but the Danish dynasty was not yet unpopular, and Harold, by force or influence, obtained a portion of the kingdom, and seized the treasures which Emma possessed from the gift of Canute. Harold, at first, reigned at London, and north of the Thames; and Hardicanute in the west of England. 3 1 He died at Shaftesbury, the 12th of November, 1034. MS. Tib. B. 1. 2 Snorre, Saga Olafi Helga, p. 383. Florence calls his mother Northamtunensis Alfgivæ filiæ Alfhelmi Ducis, p. 398. Snorre names her Alfifo dottor Alfrims Jarls. It is said of 3 Flor. Wig. 398. MS. Sax. Chron. Tib. B. 1. Harold that he was not Canute's son, but a cobler's. The tale is, that his mother, having given no childen to Canute, pretended pregnancy, and introduced first Svein, and afterwards Harold, as her own children. As Snorre does not mention it of Svein, it is probable that in both cases the rumour was the offspring of malignant competition. The author of Enc. Em. though he believes it, adduces only the plurimorum assertio for it, which is a better description of a rumour than of a fact. Florence states it as a res in dubio. |