ments, some anxiety to the virtuous portion of the French, and the expense of a good many thousands sterling per annum, would have been saved. And why was he not seized and instantly put to death? Was he less deserving of capital punishment than the desperate. adventurer his brother-in-law? No: but the French were less disposed than even the Neapolitans to prove themselves the benefactors of mankind. They seen at present in capable of evincing any true greatness of mind; and their er roneous conduct is likely to cost them dear. Already have they had a false, Napoleon among them.... Their knowing that the fellow lives, and observing how tardy their government has been in bringing his accomplices to justice, will give rise to other pernicious reports-perhaps, to some actual enterprise, so that France, will long be kept in a ferment. Who will assert that the majority of its inhabitants as yet deserve the blessing of repose?

Did we not agree with the bishops and the poets, that kings are from above, we should, from what we have seen, conclude that Louis XVIII has appeared on the throne of France either too late, or too soon,by a whole age. Nature had not fitted him to personate the despot; and through, insidious advice his clemency has been grossly abused, NEY, who, relying on the favour of those who had participated in his crimes, has disdained to seek safety in flight, is that base offspring of the revolution which has lately engaged the attention of mankind. Excelman's acquittal was but an ambiguous indication of the fate that awaited this culprit. The members of the tribunal by which the former was, tried, actuated by the prevailing egotism of their time, would have acquitted a devil, or condemned, a saint, to gratify the emperor for whom they already looked; and the court-martial that sat on the latter, actuated by the same, sordid principle, would have endeavoured, to secure the friendship of the king's government by acting justly, had they not dreaded to unveil their own guilt. In both cases the accused, were equally guilty the judges equally corrupt. The chamber of

peers, it is hoped, will discharge their duty more faithfully, so that there will soon be "a traitor less in the world."

The number of Frenchmen who have deserved death of their country is immense. It has been computed, that the most expert of the revolutionary executioners (and some of them, God forgive their employers, are wonderfully expert) could not allow a reasonable time for the sacred, and, among such villains, multifarious duties of a confessor, and render substantial justice to all the individuals regularly brought before him, in less than seven gears, even if occupied day after day, from sun-rise to sun-set. We have no desire to hear of the dexterity of such an active citizen having been tried, and therefore only observe, that the very least that the millions of our fellow creatures who have suffered from the French Revolution have a right to expect from Louis and his government is, that a regard to their own preservation, as well as to the general safety, should forthwith produce a few suitable examples of unquestionable retributive justice : to both the existing generation, and posterity, such › examples would be most salutary. Caulincourt and Carnot ought to stand first on the list of the devoted, (Fouche has turned king's evidence) and then we would take the acquitted felon Excelman, and Davoust, and Drouet, and Vandamme, and Clauzel, and Soult, and Suchet, with the two traitors from the West Indies, and any other notorious culprit on whom the lot might fall, so as to make just a round dozen of the villains."

The proceedings at Vienna had apportioned the dominions of the congregated princes to the full satisfaction of all. Buonaparte's late usurpation, however, has suggested the necessity of additional securities against French aggression; and ·Prussia and the Netherlands have received accessions of territory which were ->not then contemplated; while the Emperor of Austria has received scarcely any accession, the Emperor of Russia none. These august sovereigns have sought to purchase the countenance of England to their future measures, by aggrandising the house

of Orange (no idea of uniting the courts of St. Petersburgh and of the Hague by a matrimonial union could then exist;) and by way of propitiating Prussia, they have agreed to her power being increased much beyond what she deserved, or even desired. Alexander's manners are the mildest imaginable; his policy, like his demeanour, is uniform and smooth; and withal, it is deep. Something of the same nature may be said, if not of Francis, at least of his cabinet. Now, what do their imperial majesties get in consideration of this remarkable instance of self-denial? Nothing but permission to help themselves to what they please of the dominions of Turkey. This ill-governed empire, it is well known, has long subsisted on mere sufferance-a virtue that has arisen, not out of moderation, but of mutual jealousy. No European government respects, or can respect, the Porte: Russia has again and again, on occasions the most critical, had just cause to hate it. All Europe knows, that, in the year 1812, when Russia had to defend herself against Napoleon and his numerous vassals, Turkey was the invader's willing ally; and that when the restless tyrant left Elba, and Murat marched into Tuscany, the senseless Ottomans, under pretence of chastising the Servians, were once more up in arins. Murat has paid the penalty of his offence; and so, in due time, must the Grand Seignior.

But to what does Alexander aspire? To just as much of the Turkish territory as will render him secure from that quarter in the case of his again having to fight the battles of Europe? The continental writers say, that being of the Greek Church, and having learned of his grandmother that a spirit like that which once animated the Greeks might be revived, did the Russian sway extend over Greece, he is anxious to become the head of their church, and to exhibit them once more as patterns of elegance and wisdom. Few princes have been more praised than Alexander: few indeed have been more justly entitled to praise. But we cannot say that he is præter laudem nullius avarum: for we do not believe, that considerations about religion and social

improvement have a predominating influence on his determinations. Like a prudent monarch, he doubtless wishes for a certain number of square miles contiguous to his southern possessions, with some millions of souls on the same-though, in military governments, human bodies are more valued 'than human souls, Moldavia and Wallachia, with the free navigation of the Dardanelles, and a convenient port in the Mediterranean, are his objects; and they will satisfy him, unless the Porte act very imprudently. We remember a time when England and Prussia fiew to arms, although the views of Russia were infinitely less aspiring than they are at present. But circumstances are altered. Of the weights belonging to the European balance, some have been thrown away, as if corroded through time;' and their equivalents have been thrown into the scale with some of those that are to be retained. Even the notions which we had from our fathers about mercantile rivalship have undergone a remarkable change-such a one that, knowing that nothing but colonies can create an extensive foreign 'commerce, and that without commerce with distant colonies, there can be no formidable navy, England will not be alarmed should Russia obtain actual possession of all Greece. But if this would occasion no uneasiness, much less will the occupation of the Turkish provinces north of the Danube. And as to Austria opposing such occupation, nothing is so little to be apprehended-every project of the kind having, no doubt, been “amicably settled. Besides, Austria will herself lay in a claim to no inconsiderable boon-to Belgrade for instance, and the whole district west of the Drin. And why should Great Britain be denied the recompense of her generous acquiescence? An island if the Levant might be acceptable; and we know quite as much b. the ancient Greeks, and can lend a polish to the minds and the manners of their posterity just as well as the Muscovites. We thus speak of the Greeks of this day as being the descendants of the men who were once the light of the world. But be they who

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they may, their condition will presently be improved, if it be true that their country has such attractions for Alexander; and if Francis be so anxious, as we are told he is, to see Dalmatia closely connected with his hereditary states. In this case, no apology, no ordinary concession will be sufficient to appease the Imperial courts. It is not a slight affront, or a trivial offence, that is to be atoned for, but serious aggressions and injuries which can be neither forgotten nor forgiven; and now that fair pretexts have been found, ample redress will be demanded in peremptory terms, as soon as the parties can assume an imposing attitude.

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How can the Greeks brook the idea of becoming the subjects of a Northern power of having Scythians for their instructors in the liberal arts? Their pleasure will not be consulted. But if it should, they will rejoice at the prospect opening upon them. They know well, that neither they, nor the Russians, are what their forefathers were a few centuries ago-that the Russians have risen as much above both the moral and the political condition of their progenitors, as they have sunk beneath those of their progenitors. Besides, the idea of a change-without considering well whether for the better or the worse, will delight most of them. They will view it as a translation, if not assuredly to a happy state, at least from one that is wretched. No where is the Turkish yoke borne with patience. And if the Asiatics are sick of it, and the Egyptians sometimes, spurn it from them, how can we expect the Greeks to endure it? We are very desirous to see a people called by such a name, and inhabiting such a country, placed in favorable circumstances. We are not convinced that the Russians are the fittest nation on earth to civilize and instruct them: but they are fit enough to do so. Before the French Revolution, there could be no difficulty in pronouncing who were the people whose manners, and taste, and pursuits bore the closest resemblance to those of the accomplished Athenians. The Russians The Russians are, in some strong

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