the chateau. Mons. Fouchè may therefore fumigate and whitewash as much as he pleases, but the mischief will recur, and unless very powerful remedies be adopted, prove fatal to myriads. These remedies, we repeat, will consist in occupying the principal fortresses on the side of Belgium and Germanyperhaps even some of the eastern provinces of France. By the occupation of such places, essential to the security of those who have suffered so much from the barbarous inroads of the French, the allies will be ready, on every critical emergency, to afford succour to Louis XVIII. who, served by armies newly modelled, and as faithful as Frenchmen can be expected to prove-who, well seconded in all his efforts by auxiliaries so stationed as to be able to act on the shortest notice, will have it in his power at least to suppress the spirit of anarchy, and prevent actual appeals to the sword.

It can admit of no question to whom the strong holds on the side of Belgium ought to be given. But the alienation of Alsace and Lorraine is a point not quite so plain. English Princes, we believe, never aspire to foreign possessions. And the English government is too solicitous about general accommodation, to lay in such claims for them-though no claims could be more easily justified than theirs, and though the inhabitants of those fine provinces might expect to enjoy more freedom and happiness under one of them, than under any other prince, at the same time that the balance of power would be less disturbed by this accession, than by that of any one else. In negotiation, England seeks for nothing but praise, persuaded, perhaps, "that it is more blessed to give than to receive." The cabinets of Europe, by the way, consider her as receiving whatever is granted to the house of Orange. As for the King of Prussia, a great deal-perhaps enough has been thrown into his scale; so that the two Emperors are the only candidates for the domains which it may be judged wise to separate from France. Ancient, though long lost possession, as well as contiguity, and perhaps the idea of resuming the title of Emperor of Germany, render Lorraine, &c. far more an object of desire to Austria than to Russia. Alexander would

much rather approach the mouths of the Danube, than the banks of the Upper Rhine: and Francis will not oppose his doing so, if his family receive an equivalent elsewhere. The reduction of the power of France (we speak not of the king's power-he has none) is an object of infinite moment; while no cabinet in Europe affixes the least value to the partial dismemberment of Turkey, except inasmuch as it may affect that distribution of influence among sovereigns, which it has been the business of the last twelve months to ascertain and allot. But we have supposed the existence of equivalents.

We are not sure that we should have nerve enough to enjoy the perusal of a correct copy of the British and Continental military bills of mortality for the present year. It would, however, be rather gratifying to be truly informed as to the gross amount of money expended by the allies-- then as to what each has spent; and lastly, how much France has disbursed, voluntarily or involuntarily. She cannot have disbursed too much. Her subsequent poverty will be a sort of security for her keeping the peace: but the security will be complete, if after parting with some of her provinces and strong holds, the quantum of her force by sea and land be fixed according to some moderate standard. Her want of money and limited empire will also, when superadded to the consideration of her ritled museums and lost fortresses, be a constant memento of her folly and wickedness; and will teach her petit-maitres and military braggarts to address foreigners in a tone better suited to their fallen condition. One would also like to know, who is to defray the heavy expense that must be produced by Napoleon's retinue, civil, military, and naval. It is well known, that this country is comparatively very rich; but it will be superlatively generous, if its government shall undertake to ease France of a load which she ought unquestionably to bear. We could wish Napoleon to feel, that he is sustained by the bounty of the family he has sought to undo. But the probability is, that, after the money of which he robbed France at his departure is expended, his sustenance will be found by all the friendly powers,

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France included, each paying in proportion to its supposed

means.

The

When we turn away from France to our own sequestered island, we see ample cause for contentment with our lot. Se cond to no country in point of national character, Britain is the first in point of general prosperity. In the midst of perfect tranquillity, we enjoy a distinguished military renown. measure of our civil and religious freedom is full. No commerce is so active, expanded, and beneficial as ours. And to crown all, Providence has just blessed us with a harvest at once abundant and rich.

At the eastern extremity of the empire there exists, however, one of those teazing wars, which accumulate expense, but do not alarm by their danger. Man is not an animal of prey; yet it is very plain that he is, in no stage of society, much averse to the shedding of blood. What reason the Napaulese have assigned for taking up arms against the India Company, we have not heard distinctly stated. The old argument of prior claims and rights to contiguous soil, amounts to little, or nothing, where occupancy has been long continued and uninterrupted. Where a native power has given offence without having received any, justice warrants both chastisement and indemnification; and it is plain that England, either through his Majesty's forces or the Company's, possesses ample means of effectually asserting its just pretensions. Witness the sudden subversion of the throne of Kandy, which had stood full twelve years too long. From Lord Moira, no project of ambition approaching to what a fastidious publicist would term usurpation, is to be apprehended. The Company's possessions are not, as when under Mr. Hastings's government, very narrowly circumscribed by powerful adventurous chiefs. His lordship, though not without selfimportance, is not self-sufficient; nor is he debased by that attachment to a pitiful economy, which, without bringing the penalties of law upon a government, strips the governed of almost all they possess: he will, therefore, take advice and act with moderation. He could for ever crush his turbulent neighbours if he pleased; but the probability is, that not wishing to

do so, he will seize the first moment for honorable negotiation, which it is always wise to do where a good deal may be lost by occasional miscarriage, and hardly any thing acquired by the most complete success.

This, however, is a principle which it is possible to misapply; and it is said to have been misapplied on the occasion of the late treaty with the United States of America. We had contended for the safety of Canada, and succeeded. But we contended also for a better frontier, an object which, being left to negotiation, we shall never attain. We aimed, or seemed to aim, at the destruction of the little navy of the United States; and yet we left the greater part of it, together with the elements of a marine force, just as great as they choose to make it, in perfectly good order in their yards-at a time, too, when almost the whole British navy, full of troops, might, without interrupting any other service, have been sent across the Atlantic. A little more exertion, and a small additional expense, would have brought the contest to a satisfactory conclusion. But it will not be a little exertion, or a small expense that will suffice to terminate the next struggle with our old friends. When we left them anything of which to boast, we left to a people of their character the strongest of all incentives to constant and increasing enmity. Our government had the same powerful reasons for sending their ships into the air in the shape of smoke, which the allied sovereigns now have for insisting on the viler portion of Napoleon's leaders being laid in the dust.

September 20.

MONTHLY REGISTER

ARTS, SCIENCES, AND LITERATURE.

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INVENTIONS, DISCOVERIES, AND IMPROVEMENTS, IN ARTS AND SCIENCES.