a vowel, whether aspirated or not, have F prefixed to them in Latin, those same words had F prefixed to them by the Pelasgi, who brought letters into Latium."

Thirdly, "That where Greek words now begin with an aspirated 'P. and have words corresponding to them in Latin beginning with FR, those words originally began with FP likewise in Greek, the aspirate being nothing but a substitution for the F."

Fourthly, "That wherever Greek words, now beginning either with B or with e, begin in Latin with F, those same words began likewise with F among the Pelasgi, who brought letters into Latium."

Fifthly, "As the long 2 was invented long after the time, when the Pelasgi brought letters into Latium, and H was then used, not as a vowel but an aspirate, we must substitute O for 2, and either A or E for H, as the analogy of the Æolic dialect may require, in representing Greek words according to the Pelasgic orthography. We will transcribe the first six as a specimen : Duyn, FVTA, FVGA.

Φρατής, ΕΡΑΤΕΡ,

FRATER.

FVO.

FAMA.

Φήμη,

FAMA,

"These examples," he observes, "are sufficient to show that the Latin F was the proper representative of the Greek F. And hence we may infer, that, in those cases where V is used, the V is merely a substitute for the Latin F, which, though naturally hard in reference to V, acquires in certain cases a softer sound than at other times, and thus becomes more easily exchanged. When the Latin F was followed by the consonants 1, r, or the vowels a, o, u, it preserved the hard sound, which naturally belongs to it, and consequently was not so liable to be changed. Thus in Flamma, Fluo, Frango, Frigeo, Fama, Fagus, Follis, Folium, Fuga, Fumus, and others of the same description, the F was not converted into V. But before the vowels e and i, the F acquired a softer sound, and accordingly was often, though not always, changed into V. Hence Festa, Felia, Festis, Fis, Finum, &c. as written according to the Greek form, from which they were taken, became l'esta, Velia, Vestis, Vis, Vinum, &c. On the other hand, in Fera, Fero, Firmus, Filius, &c. the F remained. But when F was placed between two vowels, it necessarily acquired a softer sound: and in such cases it appears to have been always changed into V. Hence ofis, ofum, &c. became ovis, ovum, &c. On a similar principle to that, which changed F into V, when F was so placed as to lose a portion of its natural hardness, V was sometimes changed into F, when it was so placed, as to lose a portion of its natural softness."

Dawes, in his Miscellanea Critica, has selected passages from Terentianus Maurus, Marius Victorinus, and Priscian, tending to prove that the Latin V corresponded with the Digamma. It is impossible for us to give a just idea of the ability with

which Dr. Marsh resists the force which the talents of this ce lebrated critic, under the cover of classical authority, must ever communicate to the arguments he adduces. In our opinion, all difficulties are surmounted, and the author's case clearly made out.

Nor do those arguments which rest upon Greek authority, and have been brought to prove that F is properly represented by the Greek diphthong ov, experience a happier fate. By the skill of their new antagonist, these critics are reduced either to the necessity of giving up the point, or to the absurdity of making the Greek consonant F equivalent not only to Or, but also to E, to 0, to r, to N and to Er. We conclude with a quotation from the 5th section of this chapter, which seems to us both striking and convincing.

"There remains only one more notion, which it is necessary to confute, in order to vindicate to the Greek F its genuine promunciation. I am aware, that I have to combat a very common opinion, when I deny, that the Greek F was pronounced like the English W. It is, however, an opinion so improbable even in itself, and independently of the arguments which may be alleged against it, that we may justly wonder how such a notion could prevail. The mere circumstance, that the Æolians used it before P, shows that they could not have pronounced it as the English pronounce W. That the Eolians did begin many of their words with FP appears from the examples, which have been already given ef Latin words beginning with FR, which have Greek words corresponding to them now beginning with an aspirated 'P. And the existence of such words has been lately placed beyond the possibility of doubt by the word FPATPA on the Elean tablet. If in this word we pronounce the Greek Flike the Latin F, as in Frater, we pronounce a sound in which there is nothing harsh or inharmonious. But if, in giving to the Greek F the broad and coarse sound of the English W, we pronounce FPATPA as an Englishman would pronounce WRATRA, we pronounce a sound so offensive to the ear, that no Greek could have endured it. Nor must we forget, that the Æolians, who alone retained the use of F, were noted in particular for their aversion to all harsh sounds. The very tablet, on which FPATPA occurs, affords a proof of this assertion. Though we know that the other Greeks anciently wrote HEKATON, we find in this inscription EKATON, without an aspirate. The very article before PATPA is also without an aspirate. We find not HA IPATPA but A FPATPA. And in the relative the aspirate is avoided by the substitution of T for H. The nominative plural

is on the Elean tablet not HOI, but TOI. Nor is the connexion of F with r the only case, in which its pronunciation like W would be intolerable. Indeed, if the Æolians suppressed the aspirate in HEKATON, it is incredible that they should have pronounced

EKATON FETEA in the Elean inscription, as an Englishman would pronounce EKATON WETEA.

“But let us consider the grounds on which the opinion rests, that the Greek F was pronounced like the English W. It rests either on the representation of Dionysius, or on the representation of the Latin grammarians. They, who argue from the former, argue thus. The Greek F was pronounced like the Greek Or: the Greek or was pronounced like the French ou: the French ou is equivalent to the English W: ergo, the Greek F and the English W have one and the same pronunciation. This mode of reasoning is adopted by the learned editor of Dawes's Miscellanea Critica. But as the first term of this Sorites has been already proved to be incorrect, it is unnecessary to enquire into the accuracy of those which follow.

"Dawes, who very properly rejects the arguments from or, comes however to the same conclusion by the aid of the Latin V. Assuming, on the authority of the Latin grammarians, that the Greek F corresponded to the Latin V, and taking for granted that the Latin V was pronounced like the English W, he concludes at once, that the Greek F had the same pronunciation; and even substitutes that unsightly figure W (unsightly at least in Greek) for the genuine form F. Now, since the first step also of this ar gument has been already shown to be erroneous, the question whether the Greek F was pronounced like the English W, does not depend on the question whether the Latin V was so pronounced."

ART. II. Memoirs of Sir Joshua Reynolds, Knt. late President of the Royal Academy, &c. By JAMES NORTHCOTE, Esq. R. A. 4to. London, 1814.

THE requisites to enable a biographer to hand down the subject of his narrative to an immortal fame, consist in vigorous powers of perception, accurate description, and just and philosophical sentiment. With these qualities ought to be united some congeniality of mind to the individual whose history he records; a portion of the same characteristic feeling which influenced the most remarkable actions of his life-without which the history of the most distinguished personage, will dwindle into cold and tasteless narration. It is chiefly to be desired that the written life of the studious and contemplative, wanting the display of varied action, should exhibit the exact similitude of its original, and convey to the imagination, a delineation of the whole soul. That the narrator should accomplish this, it is not merely necessary to have enjoyed habits of freedom or intimacy with his subject; nor is it sufficient to collect with

watchful industry abundant matter in the shape of anecdote or aphorism that clear and comprehensive intellect must be possessed and employed, which can penetrate into motives, and develope the thoughts and feelings of the heart. That such a biographer is still wanted to do justice to Sir Joshua Reynolds, is our deliberate opinion; nor do we think with the author of these memoirs, that an artist alone can properly execute the task. We have derived more actual knowledge of this eminent man, and seem to have been introduced to a closer acquaintance with him, from reading the short eulogium of Burke, than from the greater part of the quarto now before us. clearness of perception, the feeling, and the graces of language in that splendid writer would eminently have fitted him for giving to the world a history of the most graceful and dignified artist of the whole modern school of painters. We shall present our readers with the following extract from that eulogium, as given by Mr. Northcote, in confirmation of our opinion.

The

"Sir Joshua Reynolds was, on very many accounts, one of the most memorable men of his time. He was the first Englishman who added the praise of the elegant arts to the other glories of his country. In taste, in grace, in facility, in happy invention, and in the richness and harmony of his colouring he was equal to the greatest masters of the renowned ages. In portrait he went beyond them; for he communicated to that description of the art, in which English artists are the most engaged, a variety, a fancy, and a dignity, derived from the higher branches, which even those who professed them in a superior manner, did not always preserve, when they delineated individual nature. His portraits remind the spectator of the invention of history, and the amenity of landscape. In painting portraits, he appeared not to be raised upon that platform, but to descend upon it from a higher sphere. His paintings illustrate his lessons, and his lessons seem to be derived from his painting." Page 372.

The modesty with which Mr. Northcote introduces himself to the public, as the historian of Sir Joshua, although highly commendable, does not deter us from a strict examination of his work, which indeed the publication of every ponderous quarto, in some measure demands; nor do we think it a sufficient excuse for prolixity, to be candidly told by the author, that he is really incompetent to select his materials.

"I sensibly feel that some parts of these Memoirs may be judged tedious, some parts weak, and other parts not sufficiently connected with the original subject; but I was not so competent a judge of my own work as to make the proper selection: and I also apprehend that, in a variety of readers, some will be pleased with what

others will despise, and that one who presumes to give a public dinner must provide, as well as he is able, a dish for each particular palate; so that if I have given too much, it is at my own risk, and from an earnest desire to satisfy every one." Preface.

We may not perhaps, upon the whole, be disposed to quarrel with Mr. Northcote for these opinions; but with respect to the imprudent desire of giving universal satisfaction in a work like the present, we must observe that, in proportion as he extends his subject to the gratification of the common reader, he will displease the more correct and delicate.

Mr. Northcote is of opinion that the era of taste had just begun to dawn upon the British nation, at the period when Sir Joshua thought of displaying to the world his superior talents. The county of Devon is represented as remarkable for its production of painters, among whom, of towering eminence, stands recorded the name of Reynolds, who was born at Plympton, 16 December, 1725. Not adopting the usual practice of biographers who, from the days of Plutarch, have been accustomed to trace the ancestry of their heroes to some highly respectable if not to a divine origin, Mr. N. tells us that the early life of the great artist was not marked by any uncommon incident, that could lead the world to augur of his future fame. At the age of eighteen he was placed under the care and tuition of Hudson, at that time reputed to be the most noted painter in England, but whom Mr. Northcote very justly sup poses to have been not at all competent to afford necessary instruction to a genius like that of his young and ardent pupil, who is said to have excited a sensation of rancorous jealousy in the breast of his master which soon occasioned their final separation.

Returning into Devonshire, we are told that he employed his pencil in portrait with tolerable success, and was introduced to the family of Mount Edgecumbe, which employed and patronized him. Under their recommendation he acquired the notice of the Honourable Augustus Keppel, at that time a captain in the navy, and who, being shortly after appointed commodore on the Mediterranean station, prevailed upon Mr. Reynolds to accompany him.

On his arrival in Italy, Mr. Reynolds appears to have been much disappointed with respect to the delight he anticipated from the treasures of the Vatican, which led to much candid confession between himself and his fellow students. At length however, by dint of resolution and assiduity, he seemed to have worked himself into a belief, that he had actually acquired NO. V. Aug. Rev. VOL. I. 2 H