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þe se bisceop on þære byrig wunode, þa cydde man geond þa burh þæt þær cuman wolde to onsigendan here; LS. 2. 322. 123 Betwux þom þe he clypode to criste þagit þa tugon þa hæþenan þone halgan to slæge.

The conjunctive use might easily develop from such employment as this : Chron. 224. 13 Betwyx þissum se eorl of Normandige Rodbeard þes cynges broder gaderode swiðe mycel folc. And this adverbial use comes naturally from its frequent use with two dates, as in this example: Chron. 101. 5 þy ilcan sumera be twix hlaf mæssan 7 middum sumera se here bræc þone friþ of Ham tune.

10 b. betwech bon bo.

This form of the connective has been observed only once: BH. 360. 10 ond þa betweoh don þe hine man lacnade, he forðferde. The Latin is : Vulneratus namque est in pugna Australium Saxonum, .. et inter medendum defunctus.

11 a. onmang dam(n) de.

Gemang means a mixture, being from the same root as the verb mengan: and, though the simple mang does not occur, it would have the same meaning. As a preposition gemang has the meaning in Mitten von, unter, auch in Zeitliche übergehend = während, to quote Wülfing. 1

Doubtless the conjunctival use grew out of its employment as a preposition in cases such as this: Chron. 241. 14 7 on mang þam ge winnan se fæder forðferde.

I have noted sixteen instances of onmang dam te, eight of which occur in Chron., and six in Nic., with one each for LS. and HL. In HL. and Nic. the

2, 660.

spelling amang occurs, as well as onmang in the latter.

Examples follow: Chron. 169. 3 Đa amang þam þe hi ridon, þa bæd Swegen hine þet he sceolde faran mid him to his scipon; LS. 1. 502. 246 and seo sunne sah to setle on-mang dam þe hi on wope wæron; HL. 172. 92 And he þanan to his gereorde eode and amang þan þe he æt, he to his þegnum spræc and þus cwæð; Nic. 502. 12 ac amang þam þe hig þus spræcon þær wæs stefen 7 gastlic hream swa hlud swa þunres slege. 11b. ongemang dam de.

This form of the conjunction has been met with only twice: CP. 339. 24 hie sint to manigenne dæt hie geðencen, ongemang dem de hie wilniað dæt hie gifule dyncen, dæt hie, &c. Latin : dum valde munifici videri appetunt. Wulf. 84. 4 forðam hit wæs oft ær, þæt godes halgan fela wundra þurh godes mihta openlice worhtan on gemang pam, þe hi ehtnesse þaledon.

11c. gemang dem(n) de.

I quote the examples of this form of the connective I have noted: O. 160. 6 Gemong þæm þe Pirrus wið Romane winnende wæs, hi hæfdon eahta legian; Lch. 3. 106. 10 styre hy swyþe, gemang þan be heo welle.

12 a. prep. + object (noun of time) + de.

This construction has been discussed before?, and so no extended comment is necessary here. The cases in which such clauses have the meaning while are very few indeed, only four having been noted, all of which I quote.

1 p. 32.

The prepositions used are in, on, geond, and binnon ; the nouns of time tid, fyrst, and dag; the cases which are found are the dative and the accusative.

BH. 128. 18 7 frægn, for hwon he in þære tide, pe oðre men slepon 7 reston, ana swa unrot .. sæte; ÆH. 2. 150. 1 pa geworhte he fela wundra eac binnon dam fyrste de he biscop wæs; LS. 1. 516. 477 Feower siðon man awende mynet-isena on his dagum, þe das halgan dagyt wunodon onmang oprum mannum. In the latter example the meaning while is emphasized by dagyt. LS. 2. 294. 1223 and syþþan of þam dege geond twentig wintra fyrst þe he wunode on life ne com on þam earde ænig hagal syððan.

I have not noted any parallels to this usage in the poetry

12 b. noun of time in oblique case) + de.

In only one instance have I regarded such a clause as belonging to this division. The case is the dative, and the noun tima. The example follows: CP. 253. 10. dæt hie donne her on worulde doligen earfeðu dæm timum de hie dyrfen.

For a full discussion of this construction the reader is referred to the paragraphs relating to it in Section A.' 13 a. mid Jam De.

Since the meaning of this particle has already been fully discussed?, a few brief remarks will suffice here.

So far as I have observed, mid tam te only once indicates the equal duration of the actions of the two clauses; it usually indicates a period of time, when it means while, at some point of which the action of the main clause takes place. Most often it simply has the force of when, indicating merely the point of time at which an action takes place. I p. 35.

. p. 36.

I quote the example in which mid dam de indicates the equal duration of the activity of the two clauses : Gen. 18. 8 and stod him under þam treowe wið hig, mid þam be hig æton.

Examples of the particle with its more common signification follow : ÆH. 2. 98. 5 Efne da, mid pam þe he hlyste dæs heofonliсan sanges, da gewat his sawul of dam geswenctan lichaman to ecere reste. In the greater number of cases da is thus repeated at the head of the main clause. Exceptions have been noted in the index-list. Quot. 151. 6 Đa, mid þam pe þa wif eodon, þa comon þa weardmen, and cyddon þæt Crist aras of deaþe.

NOTE 1. In Gothic, mibþanei is used in much the same may as mid dam de in OE. I cite an instance in which it introduces a clause at some point of which the action of the main clause takes place: L. 2.6 Warþ þan mibþanei þo wesun jainar, usfullnodedun dagos du bairan izai. 13 b. mid dan De.

I quote the only example of this connective I have noted with the meaning while : Neot 109. 81 Mid þan þe he his salmes and his gebeden and rædingan emb hydiglice smeade, þa becom him to gemynde his oðer scoh.

13 c. mid dy de.

Often it is difficult to determine whether connectives of the mid-class indicate a time-relation for which we should use when, or whether it is best rendered by while. Being guided by the fact that it most often renders cum in translations from the Latin, as well as by the sense of the passages, I have assigned most of the examples to the first class, differing in this from Wülfing, who assigns the greater number to the class indicating ‘Dauer oder Gleichzeitigkeit.''

1 2. 110.


I have assigned only such examples to this class as indicate clearly the duration of the activity. The mid dy de-clause denotes a period of time within which the activity of the main clause takes place:

BH. 34. 15 And mid by de he hine þa geseah on singalum gebedum, ... þa wæs he semninga mid þam godcundan gyfe gesawen 7 gemildsad. Here mid dy de is used to render the Latin dum.

In this example the rendering while is supported by þu gyta : BH. 210. 3 Mid dy de Sigeberht þu gyta rice hæfde, cwom of Hibernia Scotta ealonde halig wer sum, þæs noma wæs Furseus.

In BIH. and Ap. T. the spelling mid di de has been noted: Ap. T. 11. 16 Mid þi þe he pas þingc wæs sprecende to him silfum, þa færinga geseah he sumne

fiscere gan.

The meaning while is clear in this example : BIH. 231. 17 þa Drihten Hælend Crist cwæð to dæm halgan Andrea his apostole, mid þy be he was in Achaia þæm lande.

13 d. mid dy.

This connective occurs most frequently in BH., though also met with in other texts. The reader is referred to the discussion of mid dy, meaning when", for a general consideration of the meaning and use of the connective.

Examples follow: OET. Vesp. Psalms 30. 28 forðon du geherdes stefne boene minre mið dy ic cleopiu to de. The Latin runs: Ideo exaudisti vocem depraecationis meae, dum clamarem ad te. BH. 62. 3 Wæs bi eastan þære ceastre welneah sumo cirice in are Sci Martine geo geara geworht, mid þy Romani þa gyt Breotone beeodon. In the following example, da hwile

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