quamdiu cristianitas permanserit. per hwyle de likewise appears only once: Cart. 3. 216.2 And ic an þat Athelfled bruke pe lond þer hwyle pe hire lef beth.

In this example, da hwile is repeated at the head of the main clause: ÆH. 1. 10. 35 and pa hwile pe he smeade hu he mihte dælan rice wid God, pa hwile gearcode se Ælmihtiga Scyppend him and his geferum helle wite. I quote one example to illustrate the normal use of the connective: Bo. 23. 14 Eall hie us þyncað þy leohtran da hwile pe pa oncras fæste bioð. The use of a hwile de with mugan and motan is so frequent in Wulf. that it might almost be considered a peculiarity of the style. I quote two examples from the same page chosen at random: Wulf. 150.9 uton andettan ure synna þe hwile, þe we magon and moton; Wulf. 150. 16 helpe gehwa his sylfes georne þa hwile be he mage and mote.

NOTE 1. Da hwile de seems to be rare in the poetry. I quote examples: Byrhtnoth's Tod1 14 he hæfde god gepanc, pa hwile pe he mid handum healdan mihte bord and brad swurd; Byrhtnoth's Tod 272 æfre embe stunde he sealde sume wunde, pa hwile de he wæpna weoldan moste. NOTE 2. In Layamon's Brut da hwile de is found, but the later version usually has de wile dæt. Examples follow: Brut 1. 95.9 pa hwile pe ic libbe, oder nulle ic habben; later text: be wile pat ich libbe oper nele ich habbe. I have found whyl that in Chaucer, but have not noted it with the article: Chaucer's Prologue 397 Ful many a draughte of wyn had he y-drawe From Burdeux-ward, whyl that the chapman sleep.

NOTE 3. have not found the hwile that in Modern English, though the while is found in both Scott and Tennyson. NOTE 4. Closely parallel to OE. Ja hwile de is Middle High German die wile daz: Der Nibelunge Not 1. 392. 2368 Ja han ich des gesworn, daz ich den hort iht zeige die wile daz si leben.

1 Grein's Bibliothek.

1b. da hwile.

The form without the relative is of rare occurrence, so much so that its existence has been questioned. Wülfing1 says that 'Max Förster behauptet in seiner Besprechung von Bearders Arbeit über die altschottischen Präpositionen (Anglia 18 (N. F. 6), Beiblatt S. 135): 'Nicht pa hwile allein, wie auf S. 87 angegeben ist, sondern pa hwile pe wurde in Ae. als Konjunktion gebraucht.' Das ist, wie dies Beispiel zeigt, nicht richtig; neben pa hwile pe kommt auch pa hwile allein vor.'

To the two examples which Wülfing finds in Alfred's works, I have added five examples from other texts. Besides these, da hwile occurs a considerable number of times in the Northumbrian Gospels, not always equivalent to Latin dum, but sometimes translating usque; though for this we usually find wid da hwile. For particulars the reader is referred to Cook's Glossary2.

Miller has pendam for da hwile in the example on which Wülfing makes his note. Da hwile is the reading of Ms. Ca., which Smith followed: Smith's ed. BH. 537. 19 sepe ær þa hwile he ðis hwilendlice rice hæfde, ma he gewunode phe... The corresponding

passage in Miller's ed. is 188. 4.

I quote examples freely, since the particle is rare, though it is not unusual to find the relative lacking in similar connectives: Sol. 47. 14 forðam þu næfre þæt ne myhte pa hwile þu byst on dam þeostrum þinra sinna; Lch. 3. 122. 18 do pus de hwyle hym dearf sy. The last example is in a late text, and đa frequently becomes de in such. Lch. 3. 2. 6 læt reocan in þa eagan pa hwile hy hate synd; Mart. 208. 2 nu

12. 110, note.

A Glossary of the Old Northumbrian Gospels, Halle 1894.

a butan ende geshyð urne dryhten, þæs wyllan heo ær fremede pa hwyle heo on lyfe wunode on hyre lichoman.

I have not found any instances of da hwile in the poetry.

NOTE 1. In Middle English we find the wile, as in this example: Piers Plowman B. 10. 145 Youre man shal I worthe, As longe as I lyve bothe late and rathe, Forto worche youre wille, the wile my lyf dureth.

NOTE 2. It is only rarely that the article is used with while in Modern English; and when it is found, it its usually in poetry. I quote an illustration from Scott: Lord of the Isles 6.15 Right on De Baune, the whiles he passed, Fell that stern dint.

NOTE 3. In Middle High German we find both die wile daz and die wile alone. The latter gives the Modern German dieweil, which has passed very largely over into causal use. An example from Middle High German follows: Der Nibelunge Not 1. 134.816 so möhten im diu riche wol wesen undertan: die wile lebet Gunther, so kundez nimmer ergan.

1c. a hwile dæt.

I have noted only three examples with this connective, two of them being in an entry of the Chron. for the year 1123. The use of dat for de became universal in the Middle English period, so it is not surprising to find it appearing so late in the OE. epoch.

I quote the three cases: Chron. 252. 34 Đa hwile p se ærceb wæs ut of lande geaf se kyng done biscop rice of Bade pes cwenes canceler Godefreið was ge haten; Chron. 253. 1 7 pa hwile he þær wæs þa geaf he þone biscop rice of Lincolne an clerc Alexander was ge haten; Cart. 2. 453. 28 p dis min wille and gifte and of dis writ fastnynge ungewenmed beo and ungewered and ungewendelich de hwile p Cristendom durep in dis gelonde Englisckan.

NOTE 1. pe wile pat occurs in the later text of the Brut of Layamon, though the earlier more often has da hwile de: Brut 1. 95. 9 pe wile pot ich libbe oper nele ich habbe ; Brut 1. 268.6 and he heolde god griþ, þe wile þat laste his lif.

1d. on Oære hwile de.

This prepositional form of the particle occurs only twice, both instances being in O. I quote the two in full: O. 130.9 on dære hwile pe he þær winnende wæs, frefelice hiene gesohte Minotho, seo Scippisce cwen; O. 170. 12 On þære hwile pe he pone unræd þurhteah, Amicor, Pena cyning, was mid sibbe wið his farende mid eallum his folce.

1e. wile.

This almost Modern English form of the connective appears twice in the Chron., the first in the entry for the year 1137, the second in that for 1140. Both examples follow: Chron. 264. 26 I ne can ne i ne mai tellen alle þe wunder ne alle pe pines o hi diden wrecce men on þis land. 7 o lastede pa XIX wintre wile Stephne was king 7 æure it was uuerse 7 uuerse; Chron. 268. 10 oc ferden þe ærceb 7 te wise men betwux heom 7 makede o sahte o te king sculde ben lauerd 7 king wile he liuede.

The language is no longer OE. We feel that we have reached the end of a period in the history of the race. I know of no piece of literature so full of suggestion and interest to the student of history or of language as the last entries of the OE. Chron.

2. a ōrage de.

Drag is in meaning about the same as hwil, and their uses are largely parallel. I have noted only one instance of da drage de, which is, of course, exactly parallel to da hwile de.

I quote the example: Lch. 2. 284. 14 Sume bec lærað wið þære healfdeadan adle p man pintreow bærne to gledum 7 þonne þa gleda sette toforan þam seocum men, 7p he þonne ontyndum eagum 7 opene mupe þane rec swelge pa prage þe he mæge.

3. Ja lange de.

I have found but one example of this connective. I do not know that lang is elsewhere used as a substantive, and probably this isolated case is due to the dropping out of some noun, such as first or huil. Or the form may be due to a sort of confusion between da hwile de and swa lange swa. The example follows: Lch. 3. 114. 18 7 do pus pa lange be hit beþurfe.

4. swylce hwile swa.

Though this seems a perfectly natural form for a connective meaning while, I have observed only one instance of its use. In a sense it represents a sort of transition from da hwile de to swa lange swa. The former comes from an adverbial use denoting duration of time; the latter is clearly comparative in origin; this partakes of the nature of both, and is therefore an interesting case. I quote the example: Lch. 3. 112. 17 do hym þanne hnesce mettas 7 godne drincan eal swa hit beforen seid, swylce hwile swa hym hit beþurfe.

5. swa menige dagas swa.

I quote the only case of this construction I have noted: LS. 2. 26. 392 and swa menige dagas swa ic ær þære [rode] symbelnysse on þære ceastre wunode mid [gelicum] fullicum weorcum me gemæ[n]gde.

6a. swa lange swa.

Though this conjunction is not of frequent occurrence, it is about evenly distributed throughout the whole OE. period.