This occurs only once: Dial. 142. 10 þa mid þam þe he þa flaxan onhyllde, pa eode þær ut hræddlice an næddre.

Guth. 14. 15 þa gelamp sume nihte mid þam þe he com of farendum wege, mid Godes ege onbryrd.

9j. færlice, mid dam de.

þa wæs he færinga

ÆH. 1. 430. 31 pa færlice, mid dam de he gesæt, comon das caseres cempan, and hine gelæhton.

9k. sona mid dan de.

BIH. 199. 20 Da sona mid pan pe se stræl on flyge wæs, þa com swide mycel windes blæd foran ongean, þæt seo stræl instepe wearð eft gecyrred.

91. sona mid ☎y de.

Only one example has been noted, though there are several in which sona appears in the main clause: BH. 186. 13 Sona mid by pe seo fæmne mid þære cyste, be heo bær, geneolecte pæm cafertune þæs huses, þa gewiton ealle þa wergan gastas onweg.

Mid y de most often means when, but frequently the action of one clause follows that of the other. In these examples sona is used in the main clause to make clear the fact of immediate sequence: Dial. 197.9 mid by pe þæt þus geworden was bodod pam walhreowestan cyninge, pa sona wæs his þæt rede mod gecyrred to mycelre arwurðnesse þæs biscopes; BIH. 139. 21 & mid by pe heo pis gecweden [hæfde, pa] com þær sona eadega...

Three of the four examples occur in BIH., the other in Dial. Dial. 142. 11 mid þy be he þa flascan gehylde, þa wæs þær hraðe sumu nædre ut gangende; BIH. 245. 14 mid pi pe he þæt gehyrde, hrape he pa aras gesund. 90. mid by de . . . semninga.

The two examples of this connective occur in BIH. Since they are practically identical, I quote only one: BIH. 147. 30 þa mid þy þe he þis gecweden hæfde ure Drihten, þa cleopode semninga þære eadigan Marian lichoma beforan him eallum & wæs cwepende...

9p. mid oy de . . . færinga.

Only one example has been noted: Ap. T. 15. 4 Mid by de se cyning þas word gecwæd, pa færinga þar eode in dæs cynges iunge dohtor.

94. sona after Nam Ôe.

Chron. 231. 10 Da sona after pam pe se cyng was suð afaren, feorde se eorl anre nihte ut of Bebba burh towardes Tine muðan.

9r. sona æfter don de.

BIH. 121. 6 Swa we leorniap þæt sona after pon þe Drihten on heofenas astag. pa was after þon þæt hie þysne middangeard on twelf tanum tohluton.

9s. swide hrade æfter don de.

Dial. 297. 14 þa swide hrade after pon pe he swa aras, hefiendre pære adle he wearð forðfered.

9t. æfter don de . . . sona.

In the following example, after don da is probably for after don de, since the other MSS. have this reading: BH. 126. 19 Æfter pon þa Æþelfrið se cyning hine þær geahsode þæt he mid Rædwold pone cyning wæs, þa sende he sona ærendwrecan to him. One

other example has been noted, thus: Dial. 260. 15 ac after pon be he gefeoll hider on þis woruldlice wræce, he gewat sona fram þam leohte 7 wisdomes his modes.

9u. naht longe æfter dam.

In this example, immediate sequence is indicated by denying the contrary: Mart. 110, 3 da æfter seofen gearum se bysceop forðferde naht longe after dam he hæfde massan gesungen æt þæra apostola tyde. Aside from this difference, it is similar to those we have been considering.

9v. sona da.

As is true of Modern English when, OE. da, denoting time when, frequently introduced a clause the action of which preceded that of the main clause. In sona da the office of sona is to make clear the fact that the action of the one clause follows that of the other directly. Sona da, then, differs from the others we have been considering only in this, namely, that the priority of the action of the temporal clause is not necessarily implied in the connective, as it is in siddan and æfter dam de, &c.

Three of the five examples I have noted occur in Dial. I quote one of these, and the other two: Dial. 31.8 sona pa se halga fæder wæs inn agan on þone wyrttun, þa ongan se deofol... of hire mude clypian; LS. 2. 252. 522 Tetradius da sona pa he þæt geseah, gelyfde on urne drihten; BIH. 177. 33 þa sona pa þæt gewit aræded wæs, pa cwap Neron. This Morris translates as soon as the letter was read, then said Nero.'

10. næs ða nænig hwil to ðan sona swa.

We find three instances of this curious combination in Guth. It is due probably to a confusion of con

g

structions; but the first element is unkown elsewhere in OE., except as we find it in this sentence: Epis. 146. 180 Ɖa næs long to pon in þæm westenne þæt we to sumre ea cwoman. Guth. 54. 23 presents an intermediate stage: Swylce næs eac nænig hwil to pam sona comon þær þry men to þære hyðe and þær tacn slogon.

The three examples follow: Guth. 54. 15 Næs pa nænig hwil to pan, sona swa hi ut of þam inne eodon, þa gesegon hi pone hræfn mid pan sweartan nebbe þa glofe teran uppe on anes huses pace; Guth. 60. 16 Næs pa panig hwil to pan sona swa he was mid þam gyrdele begyrd, eal seo unclennys fram him gewat; Guth. 68. 19 Næs pa nanig hwil to pon sona swa he mid þan hrægle swa miccles weres gegyred wæs, þa ne mihte þæt þæt sar aberan.

The writer of Guth. is fond of negative expressions of this kind.

C. CLAUSES DENOTING DURATION.

1a. Ja hwile de.

This is the connective used most often, by far, to introduce a clause indicating the duration of an action. It is not necessary that the activity predicated in the main clause should correspond in point of extension to the space of time indicated by the da hwile de clause. Sometimes we have a momentary activity expressed in the main clause. Da hwile is the accusative singular of seo hwil, used to indicate extent of time; de is, of course, the relative particle. The particle, then, is equivalent to Middle English the while that, which has been replaced in Modern English by while, though the form with the article is still sometimes met with in poetry.

I have noted one example in which the relative is separated from its antecedent: O. 212. 25 Ic nat (eac), cwæð he, hu nyt ic pa hwile beo pe ic pas word sprece. The use of lengest1 in the following example really makes the clause equivalent to as long as, and makes clear the equal duration of the activities of the two clauses: Chron. 85. 22 þa besæt sio fierd hie þær utan pa hwile pe hie par lengest mete hæfdon.

The plural hwila seems to be used in this example: Chron. 149. 30 7 he his rice heardlice wærode pa hwila pe his tima wæs. Or hwila is a careless writing for hwile. So da is probably for de in these examples: Lch. 2. 120. 15 drince pa hwile pa he purfe; Lch. 2. 338. 20 bepe hine mid þisse beþinge pa hwile pa he mæge aræfnan. I have also noted three instances of de hwile de, two in CP. and one in Lch. 3, which are probably due to the carelessness of the scribe. For the examples from CP., the Cotton. MS. has da hwile de in both cases: CP. 159. 4 fordæmde we ealle, de hwile de we libbað on dissum deadlican flæsc, dære tidernesse & dære hnescnesse ures flæsces we beoo underðidde; CP. 247. 15 Eac sint to manianne da halan dat hie Gode wilnigen to licianne de huile de hie mægen; Lch. 3. 122. 6 ne cume he on nane cyle de hwile pe he seoc beo.

I have noted two cases in which hwile is modified: O. 20. 25 ealle pa hwile pe þæt lic bið inne, þær sceal beon gedrync 7 plega; PPs. 48. 18 Forðam he nyste him nænne panc, ne Gode ne mannum, þæs þe he him sealde, syððan he hit hæfde; butan þa ane hwile be hit him man sealde. The Latin is: et confitebimur tibi dum benefeceris ei. A hwila dae occurs once: Cart. 2. 410.39 And a hwila da cristendom sie, fullicæ mid hira godcundnessæ for me sien. Latin: Et

1 Cf. swa... lengost, p. 91.