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hweðer awiht mani (?) mann cynges ham sece, per vær he donne on tune byð. So also in this example: Sol. 42. 1 Hu ne ys þæt eac nu butan ælcum tweon þæt ælcum men ys se æalra betsta creft, and þæt se beste weorc þæt he æfter wysdome spurige, and hine lufige der dær he hine ongyte? Hargrove translates: And is it not his best work to search after wisdom, and love it whenever he findeth it?' The tonne at the head of the main clause gives support to the rendering when for tær der in this example: CP. 399. 17 dær (Jær] hi done fiell fleoð dære synne, Jonne magon hie deah weorðan gehælede suide iedelice dur[h] forgiefnesse & ðurh gebedu. In the following sentence, probably the use of fær tæer is due to the fact that the writer had a particular passage of a book in mind, the New Testament of course: CP. 451. 5 Ac dær tær us God forbead ðæt we ure ryhtwisnesse beforan monnum dyden, he us gecyðde forhwy he hit forbead.

It is impossible, for me at least, to distinguish between a local and a temporal use in such cases as this: ÆH. 1. 132. 29 þæt þær bið soð ærist, vær doer beoð wepende eagan and cearcigende teð.

Very likely in all these examples there is a strong local feeling, as well as the temporal force. This concluding illustration presents the same difficulty of interpretation: ÆH. 1. 252. 19 Heardheort bið se mann de nele þurh lufe oðrum fremigan, þær dær he mæg.

16. swa hwær swa.

Formally this connective is the generalized local conjunction; and its temporal meaning, if indeed it have any, is incidental, and, so to speak, accidental.

Both sentences in which I have thought it might have temporal force occur in discussions of the date of Easter. I quote them: Lch. 3. 244. 11 We secgað swa þeah be dære halgan easter tide þ sua huar sua Þe mona byð feowertyne nihta eald fram XII ma kl' april, þ on dam dæge byð seo easterlice gemæru. De Temp. 6. 23 is identical with this. In all probability the idea was purely local in the mind of the writer. He thought of a place on a calendar, or something of that sort. However, the clause is logically temporal, and therefore I consider it.

17 a. loca hwær.

Loca huær seems to mean wherever, and is similar in composition and development to loca huænne (q. v.). In a few cases it seems that it may be regarded as a temporal conjunction. However, in all probability the idea is local, the writer having in mind a calendar. 1 The examples I have noted are all in Lch., except one in Byrh., four in all. I quote only one, since all the others are practically identical: Byrh. 322. 31 Ælc preost sceal witan þæt æfter VIII id' martius, loca huær beo se mona niwe þæt he gebyrað to þære easterlican tide. Cf. Lch. 3. 226. 13; 16. 19.

17 b. loc(a) hwanne.

This connective, compounded of huanne, the interrogative, and loca, the imperative of locian, has the generalized meaning of whenever. The generalizing effect of loca is plainly seen in the following example: LS. 1. 400. 278 Bide me loca huæs þu wille ærðan þe ic beo genumen of dinre gesihde. This connective is of rare occurrence, and I quote all the examples I have noted: Chron 158. 4 ealla þa gerihta þe þær of arisað of aidre healfe dare hæfene, swa þ loc whenne Þ flod byþ ealra hehst 7 ealra fullost beo an scip

1 Cf. above, swa hwær swa, p. 59.

flotigende swa neh þan lande swa hit nyxt mege, &c. The sentence is incomplete in Chron. Cart. 1. 137. 31 Ac loc hwenne hit gewurðe þ biscop odde abbod oðde abbedesse gewite of dysan live, sy hit gecydd dan Arb. LS. 1. 336, heading : Spel loca hwenne mann wille. Skeat translates: A homily for any occasion. Wulf. 199. 16 be þam awrat Johannes se godspellere on ðære bec þe man hat apocalipsin, þus cweðende: locahwonne þara godes þegna Enoh and Elias tima cumen bið, þæt heora bodung geendod bið, þæt wilde deor ... feohteð togeanes heom, and æt nyhstan oferswyð hy and ofslyhð hy.

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As a conjunction, nu is usually employed to introduce causal clauses, and I very much doubt its ever being used as a purely temporal connective. However, I have noted this one case in which nu may be construed when, and has indeed been so rendered by Sedgefield in his excellent translation. The sentence in question follows: Bo. 80.23 Wundorlice cræfte þu hit hæfst gesceapen þæt þ fyr ne forbærnð Þ wæter 7 þa eorðan nu hit gemenged is wið ægðer. Sedgefield translates : 'when mingled with either'. The context, shows, I think, however, that although would be a more fitting translation. The thought does not seem to be that it is wonderful that fire does not burn water or earth when they are mingled, but that it does not, now that they are actually mingled.

NOTE 1. Schücking1 says concerning nu: 'Die kausale Bedeutung ist von der temporalen nicht immer zu scheiden. Naders Vorgehen (a. a. O.) die nu-Sätze nach dem Muster von Erdmann (Otfrid, Syntax) einschränkungslos unter die Kausalsätze zu verweisen, ist des rein temporalen Ursprungs

1 Grundzüge der Satzverknüpfung im Beowulf, p. 4.

der Konjunktion wegen schon nicht ohne Bedenken (vgl. auch Mätzner III, 473 für die historische Entwicklung). Bestimmt liegt in einem Falle wie v. 1476b kein kausales Verhältnis vor: gebenc nu, se mære maga Healfdenes, snottra fengel, nu ic eom sides fus . . . hwæt wit geo spræcon.' I cannot agree that there is no causal relation in this example.

19. gif.

It seems that in one instance gif, the most common particle used to introduce conditional clauses, has temporal force. Very often temporal connectives, especially donne, shade off into conditional use; why then should not gif occasionally have temporal signification? However, this is the only instance in which I have considered the temporal element prominent enough to call for notice. The example is: LS. 2. 36. 525 Nu þu me axast þa dincg þe ic swiðe þearle sylf beforhtige, gif me nu to gemynde becumað ealle þa frecednysse þe ic ahrefnode. Skeat translates: 'whenever all the perils that I underwent recur to my memory. The temporal coloring is surely very slight, if present at all.

B. CLAUSES DENOTING IMMEDIATE SEQUENCE.

sona swa.

1a.

This is the most common conjunction in OE. denoting that the action of the main clause immediately follows that of the subordinate clause. The cognates of the elements of the connective occur in most of the Germanic languages, and examples will be found in Note 4.

In origin the construction was probably modal. We have seen that the swa-clause modal easily passes over to temporal use. The sona swa-clause differs from this only in that an adverb has been

introduced to emphasize the temporal nature of the clause, to indicate more exactly the time-relation of the two clauses. Originally sona belonged to the main clause, as will appear from the examples which follow, but the combination came to be felt as simple conjunction introducing clauses “zur Angabe der unmittelbaren Folge einer Handlung auf eine andere,' to quote Wülfing. The sentences indicating most clearly the origin of the construction are those in which the elements of the conjunction are separated, thus: BH. 46. 19 hi wæron sona deade, swa hi eorðan gesohtan; LS. 2. 138. 210 and hit sona aras, swa hit hrepode þa stowe. In this example, sona seems to belong rather to the main clause, while the temporal force of swa is still combined with its original modal value: Dial. 293. 18 þa sona swa þæs lichama gefeoll on eorðan, eall se mund acwacode.

Very frequently there is a demonstrative da at the head of the main clause; occasionally donne occurs, though very rarely. The following examples will serve to illustrate this : Chron. 131. 14 ac sona swa hi to gædere gan sceoldan, bonne wearð þær æfre þurh sum þing fleam astiht; Mart. 122. 21 ond sona suba heo wes endlefen geara, ba lufode heo Crist, ond on hine gelyfde ; HL. 198. 118 He þa se ealda, sona swa he þæt gehyrde, blissode and god herode; Ap. T. 5. 20 Thaliarcus, sona swa he Þ gehyrde, he genam mid him ge feoh ge attor, 7 on scip astah; Chron. 35. 9. ac he forðferde sona swa hi þider com. Swa is also sometimes found at the head of the main clause.1

Note 1. Judging from Grein's Sprachschatz, sona swa is rare in the poetry. It does not occur at all in the Christ or Beowulf. I quote an example from the Metra of Boethius :

swa, p. 65.

1 See sona swa ...

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