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απήλθαν εις τα όπίσω και έπεσαν χαμαι. The same passage in the Heliand 4850 runs thus : So im tho the neriendo Krist sagda te soðon, that he it selħo was, so wurðun tho an forhton folk Judeono. Likewise in OHG: Tatian 81.4 Inti so sie tho gistigun in skef, bilan ther uuint; Otfrid 2, 9.51 So er thaz suert thenita, ther engil imo hareta.
Note 5. In Greek, ús sometimes has the temporal meaning, as in the verse quoted from the New Testament above in Note 4; this appears as early as Homer, thus : Iliad 1. 600 ασβεστος δ' άρ' ενωρτο γέλως μακάρεσσι θεοίσιν, ώς έδoν "Ηφαιστον δια δώματα ποιπνύοντα. Likewise ut early acquires this meaning of when in Latin. I quote an illustration from Terence : Andria 3. 4. 11 Hoc audi ut hinc te intro ire iussi, opportune hic fit mi obviam.
13 b. swa dæt.
Swa dæt is, of course, a common conjunction introducing consecutive clauses, and it seems most strange that it should ever have temporal force. Yet in a few instances it undoubtedly has.
I can suggest no explanation, nor have I found parallels either in the poetry or in cognate languages. I shall quote all the instances, since they are few, and since most of them call for some discussion: Chron. 162. 13 Her gefor Harðacnut swa he æt his drince stod. This is unquestionably temporal, and purely so. And as such also I consider the next example: Lch. 1. 246. 2 nim þonne þæne operne ende 7 gewrið to anes hundes swyran, swap se hund hungrig sy. Still this may be conditional, and mean provided that; Cockayne translates: ‘so that the hound be hungry,' which rather lends support to this view. ÆH. 2. 18. 21 Hit wæs swa þæt se Nabuchodonosor gehergode on Godes folce, and aweg gelædde micelne dæl þæs folces to his rice. Thorpe translates : 'It was when Nebuchadnezzar warred on God's people, and led away a great part of the people to his kingdom.'
I do not consider this example as temporal, though it may be so construed : Int. Sig. 50. 493 God afandode abrahames swa þæt he het hine niman his leofan sunu Isaac 7 geoffrode gode to lace 7 syððan ofslean on þa ealdan wisan. A variant gives a much better reading: God afandode Abrahames gehyrsumnysse, and het þæt, &c. I doubt very much the temporal force of swa dæt in this example also: Deut. 9. 9 and ic þurhwunode on þam munte feowertig daga and feowertig nihta, swa þæt ic ne æt ne dranc. The Latin is : panem non comedens et aquam non bibens. Wulf. 293. 14 and, þa þa Moyses se heretoga lædde godes folc of Egipta lande, þa on þam dæge he hit lædde ofer þa readan sæ, swa þæt he sloh mid anre gyrde on þa sæ, and heo toeode on twa. The latter example seems to me to be temporal. But the use of swa þæt with any other force than consecutive is strange, to
say the least.
It is not strange that hwonne, the interrogative adverb, should sometimes be used as a conjunction introducing temporal clauses. If we remember that its direct descendant when is the most common temporal connective in Modern English, we are rather surprised that this use is so rare in OE. When used as a conjunction, hwonne has most often the sense of until, in which case it still lies close to its common use as an interrogative in indirect questions. It is sometimes difficult to determine whether hwonne should be regarded as a conjunction, or merely as an adverb in an indirect question.
1 See p. 137
All the three cases in which I have regarded it as a conjunction are in the Laws, and it is used to translate the Latin quando in each instance. It is probable that quando itself went through the same course of development as huonne, having been originally an interrogative.
I quote all three of the examples: Laws 140. 12 Eac we cwædon, ... 7 dæt he him geandagode of þam folclande, hwonne he him riht worhte beforan Jam gerefan. Latin : quando rectum velit ei facere coram preposito suo. Laws 144, 19 Ic wille þæt ælc gerefa habbe gemot a ymbe feower wucan; 7 gedon dæt ælc man sy folcrihtes wyrðe, 7 dæt ælc spræc hæbbe ende 7 andagan huænne hit forðcume. Latin: quando proveniat. Laws 194. 8 On hundrede, swa on oðer gemote, we wyllað þæt mon folcriht getæce æt ælcere space 7 andagie, huænne man þæt gelæste. Latin: quando hoc impleatur. Even here the use of huonne somewhat approaches that of the indirect question.
Note 1. In Middle English, whan frequently has the meaning of when in Modern English, as is to be expected, since the latter developed directly from it. I have noted it in Merlin (E. E. T. S.) 3.587 Whan Gawein saugh hem come, he seide now may we abide to longe.
NOTE 2. Of course it would be superfluous to quote Modern English examples of when-clauses.
NOTE 3. In OS., hwan is used much like hwanne in OE chiefly as an interrogative. I quote an example in which it seems to introduce a temporal clause : Heliand 5780 so thie wardos thes wiht ni afsuabun, derbia liudi, hwan hie fan them doðe astuod. In Otfrid, wanne sometimes introduces temporal clauses, thus : Otfrid 3. 1. 11 In thesen buachon uuanne ih auuiggon ni gange.
15 a. Vær.
Đær is, of course, primarily the local adverb; but it developed a relative use, as did many other demonstratives. As a relative, naturally enough, its chief use is to introduce adverbial clauses of place. By a metaphorical extension of the local idea, however, it comes to have temporal, causal, and especially conditional force. It is impossible, in many cases, to draw a hard and fast line between these different meanings, all perhaps united more or less clearly in the same case, shading off the one into the other. In general, it is safe to say there is some survival of the local idea, even though logically the given example may seem to belong to one of the other categories. The examples selected for quoting will manifest the difficulty of determining whether or not a given example should be considered as temporal, local, causal, or conditional. For der in conditional use, see the dissertation of Dr. F. J. Mather", and Wülfing?. I have noted the spelling dar in Æ. Th.
CP. 129. 7 Sua eac vær dæt heafod bið unhal, eall da limu bioð idelu. This example may be regarded as conditional3. Mart. 188. 11 ond sume dæge þær heo hy gebæd, heo onsende hyre gast to gode. The proximity of sume dæge helps out the temporal notion; as does dy dæge also in this example : Mart. 176. 21 þy dege Gabriel se heahengel æteowde Zacharie, Johannis fæder, þær he stod æt þam weofode, ond ricels hærnde in godes onsægdnesse. The use of the word sæl, and the da at the head of the main clause, seem to me to make it clear that, in the following example, the temporal idea is the predominant one : LS. 2. 284. 1038 Eft on sumne sæl þær martinus siðode mid his geferum, þa com þær færlice yrnan an þearle wod cu. It requires an effort of the imagination to take tær in its local meaning in this example, though probably 1 The Conditional Sentence in Anglo-Saxon, p. 40.
2. 143. 3 Cf. Mather on this point, p. 50.
some such feeling remains : LS. 1. 426. 176 ac hi beoð geopenode oft un þances huru on domes dæg, þær nan dincg digle ne bið. The temporal force also seems to be clear in this concluding example: Wulf. 176. 30 and gyf bisceopas forgymað, þæt hi synna ne styrað ne unriht forbeoðað ne godes riht ne cyðað, ac clumjað mid ceaflum, þær hy sceolan clypjan, wa heom þære swigean!
NOTE 1. It seems that der is used as a temporal conjunction in the poetry also. I have noted this example in Cynewulf's Christ: 795 Ic þæs brogan sceal Geseon synwræce, þæs þe ic soð talge, þar monig[e] beoð on gemot læded fore onsyne eces Deman.
Whitman translates: "For this, as I account truth, I shall behold terror, the punishment of sin, when many shall be led into the assembly before the presence of the eternal Judge.'
NOTE 2. The use of dær as a temporal conjunction seems to have persisted well into Middle English, though I have noted no examples of a purely temporal nature. Indeed its Modern English representative, where, is used in precisely the same manner, at least in colloquial speech. In this example there seems to mean although, with a temporal coloring: Piers Plowman B. 11. 237 And in the apparaille of a pore man and pilgrymes lyknesse Many tyme god hath ben mette amonge nedy peple, There nevere segge hym seigh in secte of the riche.
15 b. Vær Vær.
Though tær dær, as well as simple der, might sometimes be translated while, the examples belong rather to this class. It seems that when it is used with temporal force, it is equivalent to da or donne. Probably the original force of the first tær was that of a demonstrative, but, for the historical period of OE., it is hardly safe so to generalize. I have noted the spelling þer in Sol., thus : Sol. 44. 2 Geðenc nu