7 losodon ponecan be hit wære, swa some swa þa writeras dydon; Bo. 58. 2 7 beo p ilce p heo wæs, donecan de heo utan behwerfed sie p p hio ær wæs; Bo. 61. 5 Ac ponecan be he done anwald forlæt, oððe se anweald hine, þonne ne bið he nauðer þa dysegan ne weoro ne andrysne. I have been able to discover no parallel in the poetry; and so far as I know, nothing of the kind appears in Middle English. Our whenever is somewhat analogous, though, as was asid before.

10. swa hwanne swa.

The unique example of this connective is found in CP. 389. 36 Ond eac fordæm dætte hie dy fæsòlicor & dy untweogendlicor gelifden ðara ecena ðinga, swa hwanne swa him da gehete. Sweet translates: 'whenever he promised.' Hwanne is regulary an interrogative adverb, but here, as happens in the case of many other adverbs, has acquired relative force. This relative force is generalized by the addition swa... swa, so that the whole phrase is exactly equivalent to the Modern English whenever'; the when of which is, of course, derived from the OE. hwanne. Both da and donne, especially the latter, introduce this sort of clause, which is really the protasis of a general condition; and this perhaps explains why this connective is so rare.

NOTE 1. In Layamon's Brut I have noted the form weonne so, but here the so seems to have no generalizing force : 2. 206. 5 uor weonne so ich beo uorð faren, Hengest eow wul makien kare. The Century Dictionary, under whenso, quotes this sentence from William Morris, giving a review in the Academy of Feb. 9, 1889, p. 85, as the source: 'In a far off land is their dwelling, whenso they sit at home.' This is of course such an archaism as abounds in Morris' work. The form whensoever is much more common, though it too has an archaic tone. I quote a sentence from the

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Lesser Litany in the Book of Common Prayer: 'Mercifully assist our prayers which we make before the in all our troubles and adversities, whensoever they oppress us.'

NOTE 2. Swa hwanne swa has an exact parallel in OS. so hwan so: Heliand 1950 Than seggio ik iu te warun, so hwan so thius werold endiod; Heliand 4047 All hebbiu ik gilobon so, that it so giwerðan skal, so hwan so thius werold endiod.

11 a. on swa hwilcum dæge swa.

This formula is similar to that of prep. + obj. (noun of time)+pe. But this is generalized by the use of swa. . . swa, making it, in effect, the protasis of a general condition. In meaning, the phrase is precisely equivalent to the Modern English on whatever day. I have noted only two examples of this, both in Gen., and practically identical. I quote both: Gen. 2. 17 Soolice of pam treowe ingehides godes and yfeles ne et pu; on swa hwilcum dæge swa pu ets of pam treowe, þu scealt deade sweltan. The Latin runs: in quocumque enim die comederis ex eo, morte morieris. Gen. 3.5 Ac god wat soolice, þæt eowre eagan beod geopenode on swa hwilcum dæge swa ge etað of þam treowe. Latin: in quocumque die comederitis.

NOTE 1. I have noted a very similar example in the poetry: Reb.1 5. In swa hwylce tiid swa ge mid treowe to me on hyge hweorfað, and ge hellfirena sweartra geswicað, swa ic symle to eow mid siblufan sona cyrre þurh milde mod. Here we have the accusative rather than the dative, tid instead of dag, and in instead of on; but, nevertheless, the parallel is sufficiently close.

11b. swa hwilce dæg(e) swa.

This formula is analogous to that of noun of time (in an oblique case) + pe. The office of the swa ... swa is to generalize the time indicated by the

1 Grein-Wülker's Bibliothek 3. 170.

substantive. The expression is therefore equivalent to the Modern English whatever day, though we more often use the prepositional formula on whatever day. I have noted only two examples with this connective: Chron. 72.31 he him apas swor 7 gislas salde, þæt he him gearo wære swa hwelce dæge swa hie hit habban wolden; and Exod. 10. 28 Swa hwilce dæg swa ic pe geseo, pu scealt sweltan. The Latin for the latter example is: quocumque die apparueris mihi, morieris. Were it not for the one example in Chron., I should think these forms due to an imitation of the Latin; but of course we cannot maintain any such theory for that example.

NOTE 1. I have noted an example of the same sort in PPs. 137.4 Swa hwylce daga ic pe deorne cige, gehyr me hwætlice. For this the Latin is, as usual, in quacumque die. The rarity of this construction seems somewhat surprising at first, considering its frequency in Modern English; but the fact is probably due to the frequent use of donne in just such general conditions as we may consider these.

12. donne ær de.

This connective occurs only once in OE. prose, and its exact meaning is a matter of some doubt. The passage is: Bo. 49. 27 Ac ponne ær þe he þ gewealdleþer forlæt þara bridla, pe he da gesceafta nu mid gebridlode hæfð, þæt is seo wiperweardnes pe we ær ymbe spræcon: gif he da læt toslupan, þonne forlætað hi pa sibbe de hi nu healdað. Cardale, Fox, and Sedgefield all translate whenever, and Sedgefield says in a note on the passage1 that or seems to be a contraction of afre. The Latin runs: Hic si frena remiserit, Quidquid nunc amat invicem, Bellum continuo geret. It seems then that whenever must be the proper rendering, but or as a contraction for 1 p. 417.

afre is certainly unusual. Yet, in lieu of a better explanation, it must be accepted, for the present at least.

13 a. swa.

As a conjunction, the usual function of swa is to introduce modal clauses; but the modal idea readily passes over to the temporal. This happens in many languages; for example, in Greek, s sometimes introduces temporal clauses, as, does ut in Latin, comme in French. In German, als is perhaps the most common conjunction denoting time when, though even wie is sometimes so used, as, for instance: wie es (das Meer) schläft, da sagt der Blick, was keine Zunge spricht. One of the most striking instances of this use of modal connectives to introduce temporal clauses that I have noticed is in the Low Latin Sanctae Silviae Peregrinatio1, namely the frequent use of quemadmodum in the sense of cum, thus: 10.9 quemadmodum ibamus de contra videbamus summitatem; 47. 19 hoc solum hic amplius fit, quod infantes, cum baptidiati fuerint et vestiti, quemadmodum exient de fonte, simul cum episcopo primum ad Anastase ducuntur.

In OE. it is not always possible to distinguish between the modal and the temporal meaning. In general, therefore, I have not considered cases as temporal that could readily be considered modal, believing that there is some feeling of manner remaining, even in some of the examples I have admitted.

Probably the OE. clause introduced by swa temporal denotes that the action of the two clauses is simultaneous; but from this the less definite whenclause, and the clause denoting immediate succession,

1 Ed. Bechtel, University of Chicago Press, 1902.

easily arise. I shall consider here only the whenclauses. For further discussion of swa temporal, the reader is referred to swa = as soon as1. It will be seen from the examples quoted how difficult it is to draw the line between modal and temporal clauses: Dial. 29. 12 swa pe halga wer pis gehyrde, pa smercode; O. 198. 24 pa geacsedon þa consulas þæt ær, ær Hannibal, 7 him ongean comon, swa he pa muntes oferfaren hæfde. Latin: cum descendisse. In such examples as this I think the modal meaning predominates Lch. 2. 306. 30 do eft on p ilce fæt, nytta swa pe þearf sie.

In the following sentence hwa is doubtless a mere scribal error for swa (MS. T. and also the Winteney Version have swa): BR. 91.9 Ɖa þa on ytinge ahwyder farað, niman him brec of hrægelhuse, eft hwa hy ham cumen of þam færelde, betæcan him gemæne.

NOTE 1. In the poetry swa sometimes has temporal force. I have noted it in Beowulf, thus: 1667 þa þæt hilde-bil forbarn, brogden mæl, swa þæt blod gesprang, hatost heaðo-swata.

NOTE 2. In Middle English we find swa, or al swa, or as, used in temporal clauses. Thus, Lagamon's Brut 2. 478. 8 Al swa pe adele king þas word hafede isæid, Cador sprong on horse: Chaucer, Pardoner's Tale 336: Thise riotoures thre, of which i telle, were set hem in a taverne for to drynke; and as they sat, they herde a belle clynke biforn a cors, was carried to his grave.

NOTE 3. In Modern English, as very often has temporal force. Such clauses are so common that it is almost superfluous to quote; this will suffice: Paradise Lost 2.676 Hell trembled as he strode.

NOTE 4. In Gothic, swe frequently bears temporal signification, as in L. 8.23 þaruh þan swe faridedun, anasaislep; John 18.6 þaruh swe qap im þatei ik im, Galibun ibukai jah gadrusun dalap. The Greek is: ὡς οὖν εἶπεν αὐτοῖς Εγώ είμι, 1 1 p. 68.