an optative. Or, in the case of the examples from BH., the mode of the verbs of the temporal clauses may be due to the fact of their being in indirect discourse.

In any case, the number of exceptions to the principle laid down is insignificant, granting even that all the cases cited are bona fide optatives, which is certainly by no means beyond dispute.

It is interesting to note that Elfric in Gram., in giving equivalents for Latin modes and tenses, always uses donne to translate cum when used with the present tense, but changes to a when the Latin changes to the past tense. For example, 132. 14 subivnctivo mode under-deodendlicum gemete Tempore Praesenti cum amem þonne ic nu lufige, &c., eodem modo Tempore Praeterito inperfecto cum amarem þaða ic lufode hwæt hwega, cum amares dada du lufodest, &c.

I have not been able to discover whether or not this distinctive syntactical function of da obtains in all the cognate languages in which it appears. But all the examples I have found indicate at least that this use is the prevailing one, as will be seen from the examples cited below. Erdmann1 says: "tho steht im Nachsatze nach so I, 22. 42 u. öfters; im temporalen Nebensatze steht es ebenso wie so und in gleicher Bedeutung nur beim Ind. Prät." Therefore in one important OHG. text, at least, tho has the same meaning and use as da in OE.

Very often a correlative da stands at the beginning of the main clause, as in this example: O. 19, 25 Đa he piderweard seglode fram Sciringes heale, pa was him on þæt bæcbord Denamearc. But the number of cases in which this correlative da does not appear are very numerous, even in what we may call the 1 Syntax der Sprache Otfrids, pp. 120, 204.

formal temporal period. I have been careful in my indexes to distinguish the cases in which da is used from those in which it is not; but I am not prepared to make any statement as to the uniformity of the use or omission of the da in such cases. However, when the da-clause is drawn in parenthetically, there is likely to be no da; nor does a usually appear if the clause determines the time of the action of a verb which is itself in a subordinate clause.

The use of such balancing adverbs is a very noticeable feature of OE. prose, and it may be that a more minute study than I have been able to make of this matter would yield more definite and valuable results.

Occasionally the da- clause depends on a verb omitted, as in this example: BH. 106. 21 Onhyrede he on pon pa bysene þæs ærestan heordes Godes. cirican Scē Petres þæs apostoles, pa he æt Rome ærest Cristes cirican staðolode. Since clauses introduced by da are so common, it would be superfluous to quote examples here. Almost any page of OE. would yield one or more.

Of the three connectives, da, dada, and da... đa, da is the most common in all the texts except Bo., in which the form da... da predominates, Dial., and the works of Ælfric, in which dada is by far the most common. However, in his Old Testament translations the simple da is more frequent. In general, daða seems to be more common in the late texts, although appearing in very early ones also. Perhaps the consistent use of the simple da, although there are several examples of the divided form, itself most common in early texts, may be considered as another of the archaic peculiarities of BIH. The divided form is most common in BH., Bo., and Guth. For statistics as

to the number of examples of each sort in each text, see the tables and index-lists'.

NOTE 1. Of the OE. poetry I have examined only the Christ. I find that da is used here as in the prose.

NOTE 2. The Middle English form of the OE. đa is tho, and I find it used both as adverb and as conjunction in Piers Plowman. In Chaucer, however, it seems to occur only as an adverb. By this time hwen has become the ordinary temporal connective in such uses as those of ða and donne in OE. I find the form do first in Cart. 3, 217.7 Her switelep on þis write ihu Sifled uthe hire ait he po sche ouer se ferde. I have noticed it also in the Winteney-Version of the Regula S. Benedicti (circa 1200 A. D.), for example, 5. 17; 7.27. In the first of these cases the present tense is used, and in the second an optative form occurs. I cite one or two examples from Piers Plowman: Pro. 176 Ac tho the belle was ybougt, and on the beize hanged, There ne was ratoun in alle the route for alle the rewme of Fraunce, That dorst have ybounden the belle aboute the cattis nekke. Passus 21.243 'By godes body' quath this Book 'ich wole bere wyttnesse, Tho this barn was ybore, ther blased a sterre.'

NOTE 3. So far as I have observed, no cognate of the OE. da occurs in Gothic. However, there are cognates in most of the Germanic dialects, and I cite such examples as I have noted. Since OF. is most nearly related to OE., we begin with that: Lesebuch2 95. 16 Tha use drochten ebern warth, tha warther alle brekanden to boden ebern. 96. 22 Tha mat alra erest sette thet ield, tha slochma enre frowa hire brother. In reading the OS. Heliand3 I noted a number of examples of tho, one or two of which I quote: 794 Tho sie that geld habdun, erlos an them alaha, so it an iro ewa gibod, gilestid an iro land-wisum, tho forun im eft thie liudi thanan. Numerous illustrations, might be quoted from OHG., but I shall cite only one or two. Erdmann notes that tho

1 pp. 162-177.

2 Wilhelm Heuser, Altfriesisches Lesebuch, Heidelberg, 1903. Heyne's 3 te Auflage.

is used only with the preterite indicative in Otfrid: 3.17. 35 Selbo druthin nidar sah, tho man zimo thiz gisprah.

In ON. the form is pa, which is usually combined with the relative er1, when used as a temporal conjunction. However þa alone is used, and I cite an example taken from the Icelandic-English Dictionary of Cleasby-Vigfusson: Fornmanna Saga 7.165 eitt sinn þa Sigurðr konungr for fyrir land fram.

1b. ðaða.

Since all that has been said of a general nature in regard to da applies also to this double form, it will be unnecessary to repeat here.

Probably one of the da's was originally an adverb, and the other a conjunction. But the feeling for this disappeared, and dada came to be used for da, without any difference in meaning. It is the commonest form in Ælfric's writings, except in the Old Testament translations, and is almost the only form used in Dial.

Very often the conjunction ðaða is balanced, as it were, by a da in the main clause. I have noted one instance in which dada occurs in this way in the main clause: Dial. 330. 13 he hine pa þa na ne gemette, papa he eft com to pam baðum. In the Winteney-Version of the Regula S. Benedicti (circa 1200), I find ðaða with the present: 23. 27 þaþa hi wergiaồ, næng cursian agean.

NOTE 1. Grein, in his Sprachschatz, gives only one example of ðaða in OE. poetry: Metres of Boethius 11.15 dada he wolde. In general then, this form belongs to the prose, especially to that of Ælfric and Bishop Wærferth, though occurring elsewhere more or less frequently.

1c. đa . . . Ôa.

For a general discussion of the meaning and use of this particle, the reader is referred to the section on da.

1 See dade, p. 23.

C

Perhaps this represents an intermediate stage between da and dada, the first element being a conjunction and the other an adverb, or vice versa, but it is felt as a simple conjunction. It occurs most often in BH., in which it is used about as frequently as the simple da. In Bo. it is by far the commonest form. It is also common in Guth. Its relative frequency in BIH. is another evidence of the latter's archaic language. It occurs a number of times in Mart., but is rare in other texts. The da in the main clause appears in about the same proportion as in the case of dada. Bo. 71.3 pa se Wisdom da pis spel [areht hæfde, pa ongan he eft giddian.

2 a. donne.

Excepting a with its variants, this is the most common temporal connective in OE. I have noted the following spellings beside the form donne, the most common one in all the texts: danne (OET., Cart., Lch., CP.); done (Chron., LS.); and ðænne (M., L., John., Æ. Th., Coll., HL., and Byr.). We find cognates in Gothic pan, OS. than, OHG. danne. The Middle English forms are panne, denne, thanne, deonne, dene, dan, den; and so the Modern English then.

The meaning of donne is about the same as that of da. That is to say, it is used to introduce a clause telling when the action of the main clause takes place to quote Wülfing again: 'zur Angabe des Zeitpunktes, wann etwas geschieht' - and is translated by the German als. Bosworth-Toller, under donne, say: 'Janne and da differ in force; the former is used where the time of an action is indefinite, and is found with the future, the indefinite present, and the indefinite past; the latter is used where a definite action has taken place.' Whatever the reason may be, it will