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than potential or hypothetical.' I agree with this in the main, but think that the uncertainty attached to an event merely conceived and still in the future is sufficient in itself to account for the mode, at least so for as temporal clauses are concerned. Delbrück 1 says: 'Sodann ein überall im germanischen erscheinender typus, nämlich bei optativischem vordersatz ein nachsatz mit einer verbalform imperativischer Bedeutung Wie bei dem entsprechenden typus mit jabai wird durch den optativischen vordersatz ausgedrückt, dass der sprechende den eintritt des satzinhaltes als möglich (wahrscheinlich, bevorstehend) in aussicht nimmt.'
BH. 76. 5 Đu frugne eac swylce, þonne wiif cennende wore, æfter hu feola daga heo moste in circan gongan. In this example the optative is due to its occurrence in an indirect question, or to the hypothetical nature of the whole sentence.
The following are examples of the optative appearing in object-clauses: CP. 307. 11 he gehett dæt he sua don wolde, donne he eft come on dæm ytemestan dæge; PPs. p. 61. 14 and he witegode eac þæt ylce be Ezechie, þe lange æfter him wæs, þæt he sceolde þæt ylce don, þonne he alysed were æt Asirium.
In the following sentence, we may regard the mode of the temporal clause as being due to that of the verb on which it depends: BH. 76. 11 Forþon þeah þe heo in þa ilcan tiid, þe heo acenned hæbbe, Gode þoncunge to donne in circan gonge, ne bið heo mid nænige synne byrðenne ahefigad; CP. 389. 36 Ond eac forðæm dætte hie dy fæsðlicor & dy untweogendlicor gelifden dara ecena dinga, swa hwanne swa him ða gehete, dylæs . . &c.
1 Der Germanische Optativ im Satzgefüge, p. 288.
The hypothetical nature of the whole sentence leads to the use of the optative in the following example: Dial. 261. 11 ac efne hit is gelic þære wisan, þe man hwylc bearneacen wif genime 7 sænde in carcern 7 heo þær þonne cænde cniht, 7 þonne se cniht si geboren, þæt he sy afeted in þam carcerne.
In the following examples, both from Wulf., the change of tense is hard to account for. Evidently we have here the beginning of the Modern English use of were as an optative: Wulf. 147. 22 þa geongan men hopjað, þæt hi moton lange on þissere worulde libban, ac se hopa hi bepæcð and beswicð, þonne him leofost were, þæt hi lybban moston; Wulf. 189. 5 and uton gecnawan, hu læne and hy lyðre þis lif is on to getruwjanne, and hu eft hit wurð radost forloren and forlæten, þonne hit were leofost gehealden.
The optative form in such examples as these, all found in late texts, is evidently due to the weakening of the ending, and we have really to do with indicatives: LS. 1. 534. 754 and mid þy þe hi in becomen þa gemetton hi on þa swiðran hand ane teage; Chad. 145. 178 7 mittes hine fregnaden his ginran fur hwon he ß dyde, þa andwyrde he him 7 cweð.
In a few cases the optative and the indicative stand in the same construction, thus: CP. 463. 4 dat he hine selfne ne forlæte, dær he oðerra freonda tilige, & him self ne afealle, dær dær he odre tiolað to ræranne ; Wulf. 140. 28 þonne þu smercodest and hloge, þonne weop ic biterlice.
REMARK. It must not be inferred that we always find the optative after an imperative. There are exceptions, though they are not numerous. Examples follow: Lch. 3. 2. 6 læt reocan in þa eagan þa hwile hy hate synd; Jos. 8. 7 þonne fare ge to, mid þam be we feonde beod, and gegað þa buruh. Fleischauer states the principle thus, that the optative is used when the action of the subordinate clause is conceived as preceding that of the main clause, the indicative when it is contemporaneous with it.
NOTE 1. All the dissertations on the syntax of OE. poetry agree, in almost the same words, in saying that the indicative is the prevailing mode in temporal clauses. Only two, however, mention the use of the optative in such cases as we have been discussing. Prollius o says: 'Die temporalsätze stehen im conj. d) nach hwonne, wenn der inhalt des satzes der unsicheren zukunft angehört, e) ebenso nach ponne.' Schürmann : makes a similar statement: 'Der Konjunctiv findet sich hier zweimal zum Ausdruck der blossen Möglichkeit, deren etwaige Verwirklichung in der Zukunft liegt.' There are the only attempts to account for the optative in such sentences that have been observed.
NOTE 2. In Gothic, according to Douse, the optative is used in clauses of this kind, much as in OE. He says: 'Some other temporal conjunctions take the indic. or subj. according as their clauses refer to actual factor to what is merely possible or still in the future; in the latter case the temporal clause is generally attached to an imperative, optative, or subjunctive clause. Examples with the optative: a) after an imperative, M. 6. 6 þu þan bidiais, gang in heþjon þeina. b) in an object clause, John 14. 29 quaþ inzwis ... ei, bibe wairþai, galaubjaiþ.' I do not find that there are examples of the optative in temporal clauses, due to such causes as led to its use in OE., in either OS. or OHG. But in the latter language we find the optative so used in the closely related comparative clause. Erdmann says: 'In anderen Fällen ist der Vergleichsatz mit dem Satze zu welchem er gehört in den Conj. verschoben, . . . So beim Imperative':
· Der Conjunktiv in der Cura Pastoralis, 255.
Über den syntactischen Gebrauch des Conjunctivs in den Cynewulfschen Dichtungen · Elene,' Juliana,' und Crist 57.
• Darstellung der Syntax in Cynewulf's Elene, 387. • Introduction to the Gothic of Ulfilas, 255.
Syntax der Sprache Otfrids, 113.
IV, 30. 32 irdeilet imo thare, so wizzod iwer lere. Roetteken? informs us that the same usage prevailed in Middle High German: Übergeordneter Imperativ des Hauptsatzes zieht auch hier oft den Nebensatz in den Conjunktiv: 368. 1 Nu wahset alle mit einander di wile ez gotes wille si.'
NOTE 3. Erdmann says: "Im Nhd. ist jetzt der Conjunctiv beschränkt auf den Fall, daß das Eintreten des Nebenumstandes mit zum Inhalte des Befehles gehört und vom Sprechenden beabsichtigt wird, Schiller, Turandot 5. 2 teile sie mit einem würd’gen Gatten, der klug sei und den Mächtigen nicht reize.'
NOTE 4. For the Latin, Lane 3 says, speaking of quando : ' quando, originally a temporal particle, has the meaning when, which readily passes over to a causal meaning, since, because. In both meanings it introduces the indicative. For special reasons, however, the subjunctive is used, as in indirect discourse or of action conceivable.'
B. THE MODE IN CLAUSES DENOTING IMMEDIATE
The indicative is the mode regularly found with clauses of this kind. The optative is found, but very rarely, and then is generally to be accounted for by the fact that the main clause contains an imperative or an adhortative optative.
Since most of the examples quoted in discussing the particles denoting immediate sequence' have the indicative, it will not be necessary to illustrate the normal use here. I pass to the optative, giving the reason for its use in each case. 1 Der Zusammengesetzte Satz bei Berthold von Regensburg, p. 51.
Grundzüge der deutschen Syntax, p. 166. This contains the best general discussion of the optative dependent on imperatives and that due to attraction, pp. 164ff.
: George M. Lane, A Latin Grammar, 1898, p. 341.
* P. 628.
BR. 101. 8 Sona swa he þæt gewrit uppan pone altare alecge, beginne þis fers and þus cwe þe; Lch. 3. 122. 7 hæte hym man bæþ, swa hraðe swa hys wisa godige. In both of these examples the optative is due to the command expressed in the main clause.
0. 76. 9 he ... getruwade þæt he hiene beswican mehte, siþþan he binnan dæm gemære wære 7 wicstowa name; Dial. 317. 7 7 he sæde, þæt sona swa he wore of þam lichaman atogen, þæt he gesawe helle witu 7 unarimendlice stowa þara ligea. In these examples, the optative is explained by the fact of their occurring in object clauses.
These two categories include all the optatives which I have noted in clauses denoting immediate sequence.
Note 1. In none of the dissertations on the poetry have I found any mention of the optative in clauses denoting immediate sequence.
C. THE MODE IN CLAUSES DENOTING DURATION.
Again the indicative is the prevailing mode, and as before no reson for introducing examples exists. The optative, when it is found, is most often due to an imperative or hortatory optative in the main clause.
Examples follow: Chron. 163. 11 healde þa hwile þe him God unne; BR. 74. 17 and ne beo ymbe his rædinge, þa hwile þe þa oðre rædan; Lch. 2. 262. 9 ne do þu þonne mid sealte þa blædran on, ac on forewearde þa adle þenden þ sar læst sie.
The optative appears in an object-clause: Inst. 399.20 And we lærað þ ænig wifman neah weofode ne cume, þa hwile þe man mæssige; Cart. 2. 217. 12 Đa wilnede Æþelbald swa þeh to þam bisceope 7 to þam higen Þ heo him mildemode alefdan þ he his most brucan da hwile þe he wære.