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the relative. In only one case do we find ær dam in Ælfric's writings, and ær dan or ær don not at all.

NOTE 1. In OS. we find er than which offers close parallel. It occurs with both optative and indicative, and I quote examples: Heliand 641 endi the kuning selbo gibod swiðo hardliko, herro Judeono, them wisun mannun, er than sie forin westar forð, that sie im eft gikuððin, hwar he thana kuning skoldi sokean an is seldon; Heliand 4568 Nu ik in iuwes drohtines skal willeon seggian, that ik an thesaro weroldi ne mot mit mannun mer moses anbitan, furður mit firihun, er than gifullod wirðid himilo riki.

1i. ær Don.

The number of ar don-clauses is not great, but they occur in texts ranging from OET. to BIH. We do not, however, find it all all in the writings of Ælfric.

It is most common in early texts, six of the examples being found in OET. In the Northumbrian Gospels ær don frequently appears.

I have noted two instances in which a correlative er appears in the main clause, thus: Dial. 200. 22 witodlice nyste man ær, hwylcum naman se ælþeodiga man genemned wæs, ær þon se awyrgde gast, ... hin naman acleopode 7 ameldode; Mart. 172. 1 ær ic me sylfne ofsla mid mine sweorde, ær don ic sende mine hond on þam fæmnan.

We find both modes with ær Jon : with the optative: Bo. 104. 31 ac ic sceal ærest ðin mod gefederan, dæt hit mæge hit de yð up ahebban ær don hit anginne fleogan on da heanesse; with the indicative: 0. 46. 27 On þæm dagum wes swa micel ege from dem wifmonnum, þætte Europe ne Asiam ne ealle þa neahþeoda ne mehton aþencean ne acræftan hu hi him wiðstondan mehten ær þon hie gecuron Ercol þone ent þæt he hie sceolde mid eallum Creca cræftum

beswican; Dial. 125. 3 uneaðe he mihte pa word abeodan, ær þon se awyrgda gast towearp þone wah, þe þær getimbrod wes.

Note 1. In the poetry this connective is found frequently, though the simple ær form is the prevailing one. I quote two examples from the Christ, one with the optative and the other with the indicative: Christ 544 Bidon ealle þær Þegnas þrymfulle þeodnes gehata In þære torhtan byrig tyn niht þa gen, ... Ærbon up stige ealles Waldend On heofona gehyld; Christ 857 Wæs se drohtað strong Ærbon we to londe geliden hæfdon Ofer hreone hrycg.

13. ær Donne.

This connective is very rare, only four examples having been noted in all. Of course, donne is regularly used in comparisons, and it is not surprising that we find it used with or the conjunction, strengthening, as it were, the comparative force of ær.

Wülfing has an example from Smith's ed. of BH., for which Miller's ed. has ær ton. I quote the example from Wülfing: BH. 493. 32 to hyre gerestscipe þonne hire wer ne sceal gangan, ær þonne þæt accennede bearn fram meolcum awened si.

I quote the examples I have noted: Bo. 117. 26 Ic wene deah þ him losige se anwald ær bonne þu wolde oððe hi wenen; Lch. 1. 360. 19 Gif þu gesyxt wulfes spor ær þonne hyne, ne gesceþþeð he þe. In the example quoted from Bo. the verb is lacking. Lch. 3. 22. 4 syle wearm etan 7 on ufan drincon þriwa on dæg, ær þonne he ete.

NOTE 1. We find er thanne in Tatian, but not in Otfrid. I quote an illustration: Tatian 55. 4 Tho quad imo ther rihtary truhtin, nidarstig, er thanne arsterbe min sun. The Latin reads: priusquam moriatur filius meus,

1 2. 117.

1k. ær + obj. (noun of time) + de.

I have noted only two instances of this sort. The construction is very similar to that we have noted before, under the caption, prep. + obj. (noun of time) + del, and demands no extensive treatment here. I quote the examples: M. 26. 29 Witodlice ic secge eow þ ic ne drince heonun-forð of þysum eorðlican wine cer þam dæge pe ic drince þ niwe mid eow on mines fæder rice; Wulf. 123. 5 forðam nah ænig man mid rihte to fulljanne hæþenne man, gyf he ylde and andgyt hæfð, þæt he geleornjan mæg hwæt fulluht mæne, and hwæt riht geleofa sy, ær þam byre pe he wite eal, hwæt hit behealde.

2 a. toforan Jam Oe.

All the examples of toforan or foran to in conjunctional phrases are in comparatively late texts. It is noteworthy that we never find beforan so used. The word is made up of the preposition to and the local adverb foran used in a pronominal sense. Toforan, then, is really equivalent to ær, and its use in this way may be regarded as the first step toward the Modern English use of before, instead of ær, as a conjunction. I quote the one example I have noted with toforan dam de as the connective: Lch. 1. 160. 22 genim þysse wyrte seap þe we palion nemdun, gemengc wið eсed, smyra þær mid þa de Þ yfel þoligen, toforan þam þe hyt hym to wylle.

Note 1. In OS. we find te-foran, but it is used only as a preposition. I quote an example: Heliand 1722 Ni skulun gi swinun teforan iuwa meregriton makon. In this example teforan may be regarded as an adverb.

2b. toforan Jam timan De.

Only one example of this kind has been noted. This construction has been discussed so often that no repetition is called for here. The example follows: Lch. 1. 206. 2 genim þysse ylcan wyrte twigu, befeald on wulle, ster hyne þærmid, toforan þam timan þe se fefor hym to wylle.

1 p. 32.

2 c. foran to Dam timan De.

This, of course, differs from the preceding only in the place of the preposition. I quote both examples : Wulf. 86. 8 and þeodscypas winnað and sacð heom betweonan foran to pam timan, þe þis sceal geweorþan; Wulf. 89. 14 ðæt bið witodlice, þæt he mænde, we witan ful georne, þa sorga and ða sarnessa, þe on woruld becumað, foran to þam timan, þe Antecrist wedeð and ealle woruld bregeð.

F. CLAUSES INDICATING THE TIME OF THE TERMINATION OF THE ACTION OF THE MAIN CLAUSE.

1a. 0ð Öæt.

This is the most common connective used with clauses which indicate the time of the termination of the action of the main clause. Wülfing's title for this division is: “Nebensätze zur Angabe des Endpunktes der Handlung des übergeordneten Satzes.'1

Logically, dæt is the object of the preposition, and the subordinate clause is in apposition with it.

Very often the tæt-clause expresses a result, while still keeping its temporal force. The fact that the dæt-clause always follows its main clause is another evidence of its affinity to the result-clause, that being the regular order for such clauses.

We find both modes with og dæt, but the indicative in much the larger number of cases. A full discussion of the mode will be found in the proper chapter, and 2. 119.

2 See the thesis of Dr. A. R. Benham.

1

so here only examples to illustrate the usage as to mode will be found.

The spelling det has been noted in OET., Chron., and Æ. Asm., thus: OET. Vesp. Psalms 70. 18 ne forlet du mec ot det ic secge earm /inne cneorisse alre da toword is, mæhte dine; Chron. 79. 14 hi þeah þa ceastre aweredan oddet Ælfred cyng com utan mid fyrde.

The form og des found in the following example in due to a mere scribal error for fæt, as a comparison with the readings of the other MSS. will show: BH. 332.8 7 geryno onfeng, 7 pone unwemne geheold, þæs he geearnode, þæt he to his gesihðe becwom.

The temporal element is very slight in such sentences as this, which are common in land-descriptions: Cart. 2. 483. 4 þonne andlang þæs mærhlinces oþhe well bærninge 7 lang weges þæt hit cumþ to þam herpaþe.

Examples with the indicative follow: Bo. 14. 26 Đa geswigode se Wisdom ane lytle hwile od Þ he ongeat þæs Modes ingeþoncas; LS. 1. 162. 263 Sume eac befæstan heora suna him to godes þeow-dome, og þæet þær gadorod wæs hund-teontig muneca and feowertig ealles ; Ap. T. 12. 13 Æfter þisum wordum he eode on þone weg þe him getæht was, dæt he becom to þare ceastre geate 7 dar ineode.

Examples with the optative: BH. 254. 31 7 þa baad feower monað, odtæt him feax geweoxe, þæt he to preoste bescoren beon meahte; LS. 2. 170.22 Paulus eode þa gleaw-lice and heora godas sceawode ealle be endebyrdnysse, and eac þa weofoda þæet he funde on weofod þe þis gewrit on stod Deo-ignoto; Wulf. 304. 20 hit bið swyðe rihtlic lif and gode gecwemedlic, þæt cniht þurhwunige on his cnihthade, og þæet he on rihtre æwe gewifige.

Og dæt occurs as frequently in the poetry as in the prose. I quote an example: Christ 307 Wlat þa swa

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