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the relative. In only one case do we find ær ðam in Elfric's writings, and ær dan or ær don not at all.

NOTE 1. In OS. we find er than which offers a close parallel. It occurs with both optative and indicative, and I quote examples: Heliand 641 endi the kuning selbo gibod swiðo hardliko, herro Judeono, them wisun mannun, er than sie forin westar forð, that sie im eft gikuððin, hwar he thana kuning skoldi sokean an is seldon; Heliand 4568 Nu ik in iuwes drohtines skal willeon seggian, that ik an thesaro weroldi ne mot mit mannun mer moses anbitan, furður mit firihun, er than gifullod wirðid himilo riki.

1i. ær on.

The number of ar don-clauses is not great, but they occur in texts ranging from OET. to BIH. We do not, however, find it all all in the writings of Elfric.

It is most common in early texts, six of the examples being found in OET. In the Northumbrian Gospels ær don frequently appears.

I have noted two instances in which a correlative ær appears in the main clause, thus: Dial. 200. 22 witodlice nyste man ær, hwylcum naman se ælpeodiga man genemned wæs, ar pon se awyrgde gast, . . . hin naman acleopode 7 ameldode; Mart. 172. 1 ær ic me sylfne ofsla mid mine sweorde, ær don ic sende mine hond on þam fæmnan.

We find both modes with ar don: with the optative: Bo. 104. 31 ac ic sceal ærest din mod gefeðeran, dæt hit mæge hit de yo up ahebban ær don hit anginne fleogan on da heanesse; with the indicative: O. 46.27 On þæm dagum was swa micel ege from ðæm wifmonnum, þætte Europe ne Asiam ne ealle pa neahþeoda ne mehton apencean ne acræftan hu hi him wiðstondan mehten ær pon hie gecuron Ercol pone ent þæt he hie sceolde mid eallum Creca cræftum

beswican; Dial. 125. 3 uneade he mihte þa word abeodan, ær þon se awyrgda gast towearp þone wah, þe þær getimbrod was.

NOTE 1. In the poetry this connective is found frequently, though the simple ar form is the prevailing one. I quote two examples from the Christ, one with the optative and the other with the indicative: Christ 544 Bidon ealle þær Þegnas þrymfulle þeodnes gehata In þære torhtan byrig tyn niht þa gen, ... Ærpon up stige ealles Waldend On heofona gehyld; Christ 857 Wæs se drohtað strong Ærpon we to londe geliden hæfdon Ofer hreone hrycg.

1j. ær donne.

This connective is very rare, only four examples having been noted in all. Of course, donne is regularly used in comparisons, and it is not surprising that we find it used with ar the conjunction, strengthening, as it were, the comparative force of ær.

Wülfing has an example from Smith's ed. of BH., for which Miller's ed. has or don. I quote the example from Wülfing1: BH. 493. 32 to hyre gerestscipe ponne hire wer ne sceal gangan, ær ponne pæt accennede bearn fram meolcum awened si.

I quote the examples I have noted: Bo. 117. 26 Ic wene deah þ him losige se anwald ær þonne þu wolde oððe hi wenen; Lch. 1. 360. 19 Gif þu gesyxt wulfes spor ær þonne hyne, ne gesceþþeo he þe. In the example quoted from Bo. the verb is lacking. Lch. 3. 22. 4 syle wearm etan 7 on ufan drincon þriwa on dæg, ær ponne he ete.

NOTE 1. We find er thanne in Tatian, but not in Otfrid. I quote an illustration: Tatian 55.4 Tho quad imo ther rihtary truhtin, nidarstig, er thanne arsterbe min sun. The Latin reads: priusquam moriatur filius meus.

1 2. 117.

1k. ær + obj. (noun of time) + đe.

I have noted only two instances of this sort. The construction is very similar to that we have noted before, under the caption, prep. + obj. (noun of time) +ðe1, and demands no extensive treatment here. I quote the examples: M. 26. 29 Witodlice ic secge eow pic ne drince heonun-forð of þysum eorðlican wine ar pam dæge pe ic drince p niwe mid eow on mines fæder rice; Wulf. 123. 5 forðam nah ænig man mid rihte to fulljanne hæþenne man, gyf he ylde and andgyt hæfð, þæt he geleornjan mæg hwæt fulluht mæne, and hwæt riht geleofa sy, ær þam byre pe he wite eal, hwæt hit behealde.

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All the examples of toforan or foran to in conjunctional phrases are in comparatively late texts. It is noteworthy that we never find beforan so used. The word is made up of the preposition to and the local adverb foran used in a pronominal sense. Toforan, then, is really equivalent to ar, and its use in this way may be regarded as the first step toward the Modern English use of before, instead of ær, as a conjunction. I quote the one example I have noted with toforan dam de as the connective: Lch. 1. 160. 22 genim þysse wyrte seap þe we palion nemdun, gemengc wið eced, smyra þær mid þa de þ yfel þoligen, toforan pam pe hyt hym to wylle.

NOTE 1. In OS. we find te-foran, but it is used only as a preposition. I quote an example: Heliand 1722 Ni skulun gi swinun teforan iuwa meregriton makon. In this example teforan may be regarded as an adverb.

2b. toforan dam timan de.

Only one example of this kind has been noted. This construction has been discussed so often that

1 p. 32.

no repetition is called for here. The example follows: Lch. 1. 206. 2 genim þysse ylcan wyrte twigu, befeald on wulle, ster hyne þærmid, toforan þam timan þe se fefor hym to wylle.

2 c. foran to dam timan ☎e.

This, of course, differs from the preceding only in the place of the preposition. I quote both examples: Wulf. 86. 8 and þeodscypas winnað and sacỡ heom betweonan foran to þam timan, þe þis sceal geweorþan; Wulf. 89. 14 ðæt bið witodlice, þæt he mænde, we witan ful georne, þa sorga and da sarnessa, þe on woruld becumað, foran to pam timan, pe Antecrist wedeo and ealle woruld bregeð.

F. CLAUSES INDICATING THE TIME OF THE TERMINATION OF THE ACTION OF THE MAIN CLAUSE.

1a. oð öæt.

This is the most common connective used with clauses which indicate the time of the termination of the action of the main clause. Wülfing's title for this division is: 'Nebensätze zur Angabe des Endpunktes der Handlung des übergeordneten Satzes.'1

Logically, dœt is the object of the preposition, and the subordinate clause is in apposition with it.

Very often the oð dæt-clause expresses a result, while still keeping its temporal force. The fact that the oð dæt-clause always follows its main clause is another evidence of its affinity to the result-clause, that being the regular order for such clauses.

We find both modes with oð dæt, but the indicative in much the larger number of cases. A full discussion of the mode will be found in the proper chapter, and 2 See the thesis of Dr. A. R. Benham.

12. 119.

so here only examples to illustrate the usage as to mode will be found.

The spelling det has been noted in OET., Chron., and Æ. Asm., thus: OET. Vesp. Psalms 70. 18 ne forlet ou mec ot det ic secge earm dinne cneorisse alre da toword is, mæhte dine; Chron. 79. 14 hi þeah þa ceastre aweredan oddet Ælfred cyng com utan mid fyrde.

The form of does found in the following example in due to a mere scribal error for oð dæt, as a comparison with the readings of the other MSS. will show : BH. 332.87 geryno onfeng, 7 þone unwemne geheold, oð þæs he geearnode, þæt he to his gesihoe becwom.

The temporal element is very slight in such sentences as this, which are common in land-descriptions: Cart. 2. 483. 4 ponne andlang þæs mærhlinces oppe well bærninge 7 lang weges op þæt hit cump to þam herpape.

Examples with the indicative follow: Bo. 14. 26 Da geswigode se Wisdom ane lytle hwile od he ongeat þæs Modes ingeponcas; LS. 1. 162. 263 Sume eac befæstan heora suna him to godes peow-dome, o pat þær gadorod was hund-teontig muneca and feowertig ealles; Ap. T. 12. 13 Æfter pisum wordum he eode on þone weg þe him getæht wæs, od dat he becom to pare ceastre geate 7 dar ineode.

Examples with the optative: BH. 254. 31 7 þa baad feower monad, oddoet him feax geweoxe, þæt he to preoste bescoren beon meahte; LS. 2. 170. 22 Paulus eode pa gleaw-lice and heora godas sceawode ealle be endebyrdnysse, and eac pa weofoda op pot he funde on weofod pe pis gewrit on stod Deo-ignoto; Wulf. 304. 20 hit bið swyde rihtlic lif and gode gecwemedlic, þæt cniht þurhwunige on his cnihthade, od pet he on rihtre æwe gewifige.

NOTE 1. Oð dæt occurs as frequently in the poetry as in the prose. I quote an example: Christ 307 Wlat þa swa

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