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sin selbes riche, so gizam, sid er in tode sigu nam. In Tatian, sid is not employed as a conjunction.

1b. siððan ... siððan.

In a number of cases siðdan is repeated in the main clause. The purpose is to bind the two clauses more closely together, as we have noted in the case of many similar phenomena. In this example siðdan in the main clause translates a Latin postea: Laws 54. 20 siðdan hit to dam arise þæt angylde, siddan sie þæt wite CXX scill.' The Latin runs: postquam angildum ad id surgit (crescit) postea sit wita centum uiginti solidi.

Other examples follow: O. 296. 9 þohte, sippan þæt folc oferfunden wære, þæt hie sippan wolde eall þæt he wolde; O. 62. 32 þis ic sprece nu for dæm þe ic wolde þæt þa ongleaten, ... hwelc mildsung sippan wæs, sippan se cristendom was 7 hu monigfealde wolbærnes ðære worulde ær þæm wæs; BIH. 219. 24 Ah seoppan he þon bisceophade onfeng in Turnan dære byrig, nis nænig man þæt þa wundor ealle asecggan mæge, þa de God seoppan þurh hine worhte.

10. siồỒan ... Ởe.

It is not altogether clear whether siddan in this example should be regarded as an adverb, or whether siðdan ... de together make a conjunction. In either case, the construction is unique, unless it be the instance considered below.

I quote the siðdan ... de example: Laws 174. 38 7 forgyldon þæt yrfe, þe syddan genumen wære, þe we þæt feoh scuton. The Latin runs: quod captum fuerit (est), postquam pecuniam nostram contulerimus. It may be that a dres has dropped out before te. If that were present, the construction would be perfectly regular.

The following example presents something of the same difficulty, but I believe that siðdan is an adverb, and del used to introduce a clause indicating time when : HL. 156. 114 Geearnode he þy syddan, þe he drihten heora ealra modgeðances cunnode and be him sylfum hi ealle befran, hwæt hi wendon, þæt he

ware.

1d. sið.

I have found only one example of sið in OE. It is impossible to say whether it is a remnant of an earlier conjunctive use of the simple sit or an early approximation to the Middle English form, but I incline to the latter view. The one example follows: Cart. 2. 58. 13 Sið heora tuuge dæg agan sie, bonne agefe mon tuuenti hida higuum to biodland.

2a. æfter Dam De.

In origin, æfter is the comparative of the adverb af, meaning from, originally local in signification. It means, therefore, in the sphere of time later. Its use as a preposition came doubtless from its use in comparisons, and naturally it required the dative case. The step from preposition to conjunction is easy. Of course, te is the relative.

As to use, æfter dem de differs from siddan in that it never has reference to the beginning-point of an action. The determination of time, for the main clause, is effected by a subordinate clause, the action of which is conceived of as absolutely preceding that of the main clause. There is nothing implied as to the closeness of the succession of actions; that of the main clause may follow immediately, or an indefinitely long period may intervene.

1 Cf. p. 26.

The prevailing spelling is æfter dam de in all the texts except O. and CP. Siddan is the most common conjunction introducing clauses of this kind in all the texts except O. and BH. In the former, æfter dæm de occurs most frequently, and in the latter efter ton de.

More clauses of the æfter-type occur in O. than in all the other texts taken together. This is due probably to the style; scores of clauses of similar nature are found. 0.78. 1 Æfter pæm þe Romeburg getimbred wæs twa hunde wintra 7 IIIIX, þætte Cambis(is) feng to Persa rice.

In a number of cases we find da at the head of the main clause, as in this example: 0. 94. 22 Æfter þæm þe Læcedemonie hæfdon Perse oft oferwunnen, þa gebudon him Perse þæt hie hæfden III winter sibbe wiþ hie; O. 92.7 pa on dæm ilcan dæge æfter þæm þe hie þiss gesprecen hæfdon, fuhton Gallie on þa burg.

Examples with the spelling dam follow: M. 27, 31 æfter þam þe hig hyne þus bysmerodon, hig unscryddon hyne þam scyccelse; BIH. 229. 1 Her segð þæt æfter þam þe Drihten Hælend Crist to heofonum astah, þæt þa apostoli wæron æt-somne.

In this example, de is probably a mere scribal error for æfter dam de; since de nowhere else has the meaning after, and since the other MS, has this reading : Laws 328. 7 And us ne ðincð na riht, dæt ænig man ahnian scule, dær gewitnysse bið, 7 mann gecnawan can, þæt þar brygde byð; þæt nan man hit nah to geahnianne raðost ðinga ær syx monðum, de hit forstolen wæs.

The other version reads: ær syx mondum, æfter dam te hit forstolen wæs; and the Latin is : postquam furatum est.

Note 1. So far as I have been able to discover, none of the conjunctions of the æfter-type appear in the poetry.

NOTE 2. OE. after is cognate with Gothic aftaro and ON. apır, but neither of these is used as a conjunction.

In OS. we find aftar thiu, but it is used only in adverbial relations. In OHG. we find after thiu used as a conjunction in Tatian, but not so in Otfrid. I subjoin an example : Tatian 7.1 After thiu tho argangana uuarun ahtu taga, thaz thaz kind bisnitan uuurdi, uuard imo ginemnit namo Heilant. The Latin is: Et postquam consummati sunt dies octo.

2b. efter dan de.

This form of the connective is comparatively rare, only ten instances having been noted, tough these occur in texts ranging from BH. to HL. Since it does not differ from æfter dam de in any respect, save in the case of the demonstrative, no further discussion is called for here. Beside the ten instances spoken of, I have noted it twice in the Hatton MS. of the Gospels. I give the references: M. 27. 31 ; Mk. 14. 28.

I quote examples to illustrate the normal use of this connective: BH. 410. 31 him segde, þætte dære ilcan nihte him Bosel þurh gesihðe ætæawde æfter dan þe uhtsang was gefylled. In a few instances da stands at the head of the main clause, thus: ÆH. 1. 90. 11 Æfter þan de weron gefyllede ehta dagas Drihtnes acennednysse þæt he ymbsniden wære, þa was his nama geciged Jesus. I have noted only one instance in which da appears in the temporal clause as a correlative to ta at the head of the main clause: HL. 159. 169 Æfterpan þe se hælend þa hæfde heora fet geþwagen, pa onfeng he eft his hrægle and hine mid gegerede. In this example da appears in the main clause, but not at its head: Gen. 13. 14 God cwæð þa to Abrame, after pan be Loth wæs totwæmed him fram.

2c. æfter Jon de.

This form of the connective occurs most frequently in BH., about half of the whole number of examples being found in that text. The other examples are scattered through texts ranging from OET. to HL., though the whole number of examples is only about thirty.

Since nothing more of a general nature is to be added to what has already been said concerning the æfter-type of connective, I pass to the examples: OET. 178. 33 æfter ton de he tuelf gear ðær wunode, da eode he in done gefean Dære ecan eadinesse; BH. 94. 2 se eadiga papa Gregorius æfter þon þe he þæt setl þære Romaniscan cyricean 7 þære apostolican þreottyne gear 7 syx monað 7 tyn dagas wulderlice heold 7 rehte, þa wæs forðfered.

In the following example, we have a da in the subordinate clause, correlative to da at the head of the main clause: BH. 362. 3 Æfter pon de he da to Dryhtne geleorde, pa wæs Cuðbyrht des ilcan mynstres regolweard geworden.

The change of mode in this example is noteworthy: Dial. 305. 16 æfter þon þe þu swa earfoðlice 7 gewinfullice ongeate 7 gelyfdest, ic gelyfe, þæt hit sy ræd, þæt ic asægce þa spræce, þe me gerehte wäron fram swiðe getreowum werum.

We have da at the head of the main clause in this example: Guth. 12. 9 After pon þe he was aþwegen mid þam þweale þæs halgan fulluhtes, da wæs he eft to þære fæderlican healle gelædd and þær gefedd. Here donne appears in a similar manner: BIH. 59. 11 Hie him þonne eft swipe bitere þencaḥ, æfter bon þe se deað him tocymeþ Godes dom to abeodenne. We find after þon be in the Northumbrian Gospels, for particulars the reader is referred to Cook's Glossary.?

1 A Glossary of the Old Northumbrian Gospels, Halle, 1894.

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