On Field Marshal Prince BLUCHER's providential Escape from Death, in a Charge of Cavalry, at Ligny, on the 18th of June 1815.

By the Rev. WEEDEN BUTLER, M. A. ...............Concurritur !-Horæ Momento cita Mors venit aut Victoria læta. HOR. Sat. Lib. I. Sat. 1. 7.

PRONE on the ground brave BLUCHER lay:

Death onward press'd, without remorse.-
Ah! Scene of danger and dismay!-
How could he 'scape the slaughtering fray,
Beneath the horse?

Prone on the ground had he then died,
Crush'd in the charge, a mangled corse;
Who, that had seen, would not have sigh'd
For HIM, cut off in warrior-pride,

Beneath the horse?

RENEW the strain of gratulation loud,

Ye favour'd Natives of the British isles, To sing of Europe's liberty preserv'd, "Blest fruit of just and well-concerted plans [power To valiant leaders trusted, who with Uniting equity, that lasting base Of permanent authority, unsheath'd Their swords, and join'd in well-cemented league,

Not to destroy, but benefit mankind, Advancing rightful Sovereignty to rule +." Nor be the praise confin'd to these alone, Or to their gallant followers in the War; To Heaven's high throne still be the chorus rais'd,

[preme, Where dwells that righteous Governor suWho having by his instruments of wrath Awhile inflicted punishment severe, Among the guilty dwellers upon earth, Amid his judgments has not yet forgot His mercy towards the Nations who return To their allegiance, and his aid implore For their deliverance in the time of need.

"The danger was great, but Heaven watched over us."-See Prince BLUCHER'S Official Report of the Battle of Ligny.

See Lines on the occasion of Peace in the last year's Magazine.

In many a hard-fought day severely foil'd,
See the proud Corsican again retire.
As erst thro' Russia's desolated plains,
Amid the horrors of the wintry storm,
He measur'd back his melancholy way,
Once more behold him from the field
withdraw,

wolf

Before the legions of combining States, His arrogant presumption has provok'd To deeds of desperate valour. Like the {fold Driven by the faithful guardians of the From his dark den beneath the impending brow [chace Of some stupendious cliff, where from the He found a short asylum, lo! he quits The field of slaughter, awful to behold. Beset with threatening dangers as he moves, And by desertion reft of that support On which with overweening trust he lean'd, Courting the swift destruction of his power, By usurpation gain'd, by force of arms Recover'd from his grasp, by treachery's [claim. Awhile resum'd, and held with spurious As when like angry Ocean's swelling tide, From Lusitania and Iberia, join'd, In friendly union, with the British host, Triumphant Warriors pour'd their lengthen'd train,

aid

*

Thro' the steep Gorges of the Pyrenees, And flush'd with conquest bade the air resound [brave,

With the high name of WELLINGTON the For conduct as for valour long proclaim'd His Country's Ornament, rais'd up by Heaven

To stem the torrent of presumptuous pride Ere it o'erwhelm'd the subjugated globe: So now beneath the gallant Blucher's eye, (By long experience prompt at every turn, To watch the moment of decisive weight, In Victory's doubtful scale,) the Prussian force

Combines to share the glories of the day,
And aid his efforts in the common cause
Of Justice to the suffering World at large.
As Nelson on the surface of the deep
Asserted Britain's glory, and secur'd
A lasting title to the Nation's praise:
So in the tented field has Wellesley proy'd
His undisputed and immortal claim
To all the honours of the Historic page ;
And while, with martial energy inspir'd,
He bids defiance to the embattled ranks
Who yet, obedient to the Despot's will,
Would rise in arms against him, as before,
His milder tones of sweet accord recall
To terms of lasting Amity and Peace,
The unarm'd Natives of the Celtic soil.
He wars not with the weak, nor gluts his
sword

With human gore to feed a base revenge.

* The name given to the passes of those mountains.

He

He tramples not on unoffending Age,
Or helpless Infancy; but while he mourns'
His gallant comrades, and the manly tear
Of Sorrow dims his eye, for thousands
slain,
[shrine,
Sad victims at Ambition's blood-stain'd
Forswears the work of savage Violence
Exulting in its power. The gentler sex
From him and his associates in the field
Find every soft attention, while to all
Who meet him not in hostile ranks array'd,
But cultivate his friendship, with firm

trust

In his avow'd forbearance, he extends The Olive-branch of never-fading green, In token of protection, signal fair, Without deceit, that sanguinary thoughts In his pure bosom no reception find, While acts of cruelty his soul abhors, With every selfish and perfidious deed Which meaner souls too constantly approve.

Blest be the God of Battles, who ordains From partial evil universal good;

And still can cause the wrath of man, to praise

His everlasting name; by whose decree, While Europe's states to their foundations shook

As with the force of subterranean fires,
Amid the Revolutionary strife

The sea-girt shores of Britain yet remain'd
Free from incursion, while her free-born

sons

Beheld the high salvation of the Lord, What time the impious foe, as yet unschool'd

By dire Adversity, with crested pride
Elate, denounc'd his meditated rage.
So Israel at their leader's high behest
Rested with fix'd amazement, to behold
The Egyptian Tyrant, whelm❜d beneath
the waves
[pass'd
Of that perturbed sea, themselves had
In perfect safety, lifting high their song,
To bless that Power benign to whom they
ow'd
[yoke,
Their kind deliverance from his cruel
And pay their tribute of unfeigned praise.
Raise the glad strain of gratitude to
Him

Who o'er the Nations of the Earth extends
His sovereign sway and absolute controul,
Giving the Kingdoms of the peopled World
To whomsoe'er he will. His mighty Arm
No human strength can stay. His just
command

No human tongue can question or reprove. To Him be given the glory of that day When the Usurper of the Gallic throne Fled from the associate leaders, and once

more

Ran thro' his scatter'd host, and all his strength,

Before so boasted, was at once reduc'd
To less than infant weakness. Hence, ye
proud!

Learn true humility. Ye vain! confess
The King of Heaven, sole Arbiter on Earth.
Ye thoughtless, learn to honour and adore
The eternal Ruler.-Ye reflecting few!
Who love to trace his steps in each event,
Yet stand in awful doubt at many a turn
Of what, in this probationary state,
The common herd call fortune, here behold
His Wisdom, Power, and Rectitude su-
preme,

And own with joy this soul-reviving fact:
Whate'er the destiny of earthly Kings,
There reigns one mighty Potentate o'er all,
His own anointed, Partner in his throne,
Whose Government without decay or
change
[events,
Shall stand thro' countless ages. Those
Which yet appear confus'd, shall in the
end,
[scheme

Be found subservient to one mighty Of ultimate perfection. At his Word Shall mental darkness vanish from the

man

Shall be exalted, and the proud laid low. All which your eyes behold, whate'er ap

pear

Its present tendency, rest well assur'd,
Forms but a part of that extended scheme
Of ultimate perfection, which shall rise
From seeming discord; an unfinish'd line;
A segment of that circle, of whose wide
And ample scope, Man can as yet behold
A trifling portion. Ere the Scene shall
close;

The Curtain of the mighty Drama fall;
We know not what remains, to be per-
form'd,

1

But final good shall be the sure result, When Wars and Tumults shall no more M. CHAMBERLIN. ¿

prevail.

May 8,

In a Committee of Supply, Mr. Lushington moved, for repairs of King Henry VII.'s Chapel, 24247.; British Museum, 55804.; and for 9000l. to complete the purchase of an estate for the family of the late Lord Nelson: the latter occasioned some discussion, being opposed by Messrs. Whitbread, W. Smith, and Bankes, who contended that the proposals of Mr. Kemp for his estate in Suffolk were preferable to the purchase of Standish, in Wiltshire.

It was stated by Mr. Rose, the Speaker, and others, that Mr. Kemp's estate consisted only of 1000 acres, some of which was copyhold: that the roads were so bad in winter that it was inaccessible; and that he had refused to take 70,000%. including fixtures. The estate of Standish, on the contrary, consisted of 2,500 acres, together with a suitable mansion; and Earl Nelson so highly approved of it, that he offered to pay the 90007. surplus beyond the original grant out of his own pocket, if Parliament would not make it good.

On a division, this grant was carried, by 111 to 66.

The second reading of the Bill for erecting a new Post-office in St. Martin's-leGrand, was carried, by 149 to 70.

Mr. Tierney entered at great length into the increasing expences of the Civil List, and complained that the Powers of the Committee were too circumscribed to do any good. He then noticed several items in the department of the Lord Chamberlain. There was a delicacy due to the Royal Family; but a faithful Parliament could not better discharge its duty than by guarding against unnecessary expenditure, which was indeed unequalled in Europe. For the expences of the Foreign Sovereigns there was 50,000l. The average of expence for plate and jewels was 25,000l. a year. To whom did that plate belong? He believed many of the items ought to be charged individually to the Prince Regent, who had a privy purse of above 70,0001. a year. He then adverted to the numerous allowances to Ambassadors. He believed that, instead of the usual allowance of plate, some of the Ambassadors took money. A Mr. William Hill, and Mr. A'Court, who were only Envoys, had 3,5001. for plate, as if they had GENT, MAG. Suppl. LXXXV. Part I,

F

been Ambassadors. The Duke of Wellington had no more. He concluded by moving that the Committee be empowered to send for and examine Mr. Mash, of the Lord Chamberlain's Office.

Lord Castlereagh explained, that the whole exceeding of the three years was 90,000Z.; and if that sum was placed against the 100,0002. for outfit, but in reality applied to the payment of the Prince's debts, and by which the 60,000%. per annum issued for that purpose would be sooner relieved, there would be upon the whole a saving of 10,000l. It was most unjust to compare the Civil List of England with the expenditure of Continental Princes. A million a- - year was voted by the French Legislature to the King of France and his family, merely for supporting the splendour of the Crown, while one half of our Civil List was appropriated to very different purposes. He should state in conclusion, that, for the purpose of watching the expenditure of the Civil List, a warrant had recently passed the Privy Seal, directing that estimates of every expenditure should be given in to a responsible officer, whose approbation and order should be essential to every tradesman for the payment of his accounts. The motion was finally negatived, by 175 to 119.

HOUSE OF LORDS, May 10.

Earl Stanhope did not object to the second reading of the Property Tax Bill because he was a proprietor of land, but because it bore hard upon the tenantry, and ultimately on the consumers, or great mass of the people, by raising the price of bread.

The Earl of Liverpool said, that this tax bore not upon the poor, but upon the rich. The poor were, in fact, exempted from its operation.

Earl Grey declared, that, though convinced this tax was unequal, vexatious, and oppressive, he should not opposé it, because he was convinced that his opposition would be fruitless.

The Bill being read a second time, the Duke of Norfolk said, he agreed in the necessity of making preparations for war; but hoped every means would be adopted to procure peace by negociation. Instead of thinking the tax unequal and oppressive, he concluded it, of all others, the most equal and fair that had ever been devised. He hoped that the wise practice of going into a Committee would not be dispensed with.

Lord

Lord Liverpool considered the delay this would create as unnecessary.

The Marquis of Buckingham then moved for a Committee; but, upon a division, the motion was rejected by 20 to 8.

May 22.

The following Message from the Prince Regent was presented to both Houses:

"G. P. R.-The Prince Regent, acting in the name and on the behalf of his Majesty, thinks it right to inform the House of Commons, that, in consequence of the events which have recently occurred in France, in direct contravention of the Treaties signed at Paris in the course of the last year, his Royal Highness has thought it necessary, in concert with his Majesty's Allies, to enter into such engagements against the common enemy, as may prevent the recurrence of a system which experience has shewn to be incompatible with the peace and security of Europe. His Royal Highness has ordered Copies of the Treaties concluded with the Allies to be laid before the House, for its information; and he confidently relies upon the support of his faithful Commons, to enable him to fulfil the stipulations therein contracted, and to take such steps, in conjunction with his Allies, as may be indispensably necessary at this important crisis."

May 23.

The Regent's Message having been read, the Earl of Liverpool rose to take it into consideration. His Lordship divided his speech under two heads: first, as to the right of going to war; and, second, as to the expediency of engaging in hostilities, should war be just. In regard to the first head, he observed, that the Allies, before they entered Paris, declared, by proclamation, their determination not to negociate with Buonaparte. Upon that foundation his resignation of the Sovereign authority proceeded · upon that foundation, the assembled representatives of the nation pronounced his forfeiture-upon that foundation and upon these terms, the act of forfeiture was declared ;-and in the whole course of the transactions at that period, the same stipulation, that Buona parte was to be no longer at the head of the French Goyernment, was either expressly stated or clearly implied; and under the belief that the Government of France was to be administered by some other person, terms were granted, and securities dispensed with, which would otherwise have been insisted upon. His return to France and his resumption of the Sovereign Power, was a clear and fundamental violation of the whole of the Treaty. The pretences urged by him were futile; for at the moment when he signed the Treaty,

he no doubt contemplated violating it. It must be remarked, that he had never made any complaint to the Allies of nonobservance of the Treaty, nor afforded them any opportunity to render him redress. This conduct, he contended, gave us the right of going to war. With regard to the second head, as to the expediency of commencing hostilities, his Lordship argued, that the past conduct of Napoleon Buonaparte had exhibited so much ambition and perfidy, that the principal Powers of Europe were united by a conviction that no peace could be maintained with him; and that refraining from immediate hostilities, would afford him au opportunity of consolidating the power which he had usurped, increasing his military means, and enable him to attack and overwhelm them individually. No other alternative, his Lordship observed, remained but war or armed peace, which latter was almost equivalent to war in point of expence, and would leave the country in a feverish state of anxiety as to defence. It was true that this might be preferable, if the Powers were not prepared or were indisposed to the contest. But now, when our Allies were all prepared, it was right to seize the moment to strike, when the blow could be struck with effect. They had now the means of success; but if the opportunity was foregone, when was it likely that it would arise again? He would look next to the question of economy. And here it could not be denied, that a state of peace was of particular importance to the finances of the country; but it should not be forgotten, that at some times a shabby and pusillanimous economy was the greatest extravagance in the end. If we went to war now, we might hope to bring it to a happy and a speedy issue; but if we began with all the heavy expences of an armed peace, soon to terminate in a defensive war, we should repent of the policy pursued.-His Lordship declared, that it had never been the wish or the intention of Ministers to goad the Allies into warlike efforts: on the contrary, they had been anxious that the Allies should reconsider their opinious, and the declarations they had issued, according to the new circumstances that arose. Their unanimous. conviction was indispensably necessary. They wished not to see France abandoned to the ravages of war, her provinces or her resources curtailed, but only such a government existing in that country as would afford security to the rest of Europe. In this view he thought it would be generally admitted that the restoration of Louis XVIII. to his throne was an object dear to the heart, not only from feelings of sympathy, but from a principle of general expediency. He could state it as the con

viction

viction of his mind, founded on the fullest inquiry (which it was his duty to make) that the great majority of the people of France, he would say three-fourths of them, desired the return of the King. As far as the weight of moral evidence went, he believed this to be the sentiment of the South of France, of the West, and of the North. With that opinion of the state of public sentiment in that country, and looking to what was best for the general security and repose of Europe, he was not ashamed to avow his anxious wish for the restoration of Louis XVIII. to his throne. It was true we had no right to dictate to an independent country what its Government should be, or who should be its head; but we had a right to interfere and say, that France shall not have a Government which threatens the repose, the security, and the very existence of surrounding nations; still more, when the Allies had already given, and France had received, conditions of peace more favourable than the former would have given, or the latter received, had the existence of such a government been prolonged.-The Noble Lord concluded by moving an Address in answer to the Prince Regent's Message, assuring his Royal Highness of their cordial support in all the measures he might deem necessary against the common enemy.

Earl Grey said, the speech which the Noble Lord had just concluded was one abounding in assertion, but containing little indeed of reason. It was a speech assuming every thing of success, but looking at nothing on the other side of the question. The Noble Lord had talked of the right of making war. A war might indeed be just, but to be just, it must be necessary; and, on the present occasion, he could not see the necessity which existed to make this a just war. What were the cases in which, heretofore, nations had thought it right to interfere in other Governments except their own? He had looked carefully into this subject, and the only case in which he had found foreign States interfere in the internal Government of others, was where the particular Government, by family or other alliances, threatened the liberties of other countries. -The Noble Lord then proceeded to enter into a review of the Pragmatic Sanction and the War of Succession; and contended that such was the origin of two wars which threatened and endangered the liberties of Europe. He believed it was never yet heard of before, that the private character or person of the Governor of any nation was to be made a plea of interminable war with that country.-As to the alleged violation of the Treaty of Fontainbleau by Buonaparte, it had been allowed that such breaches were com.

mitted by the Allies as would justify his conduct. It had been held by all writers on the Law of Nations, that one condition violated, abrogates an entire treaty. So it was with Buonaparte; and as such he was justified in attempting to regain his authority.-He next adverted to the character of the war, and remarked on the tendency of the Declaration of the 17th of March, and begged their Lordships to consider to what an alternative they would reduce the country, when they exasperated a man of Buonaparte's talents, at the head of so powerful a country as France, and agitated by such bad passions as are imputed to him; and what hope would this country have, if conquered, to receive favourable terms?-The Noble Lord (Liverpool) had spoken confidently of success, and grounded his hopes on the disturbed state of France. But did the Noble Lord consider the sources from whence the account of these disturbances came: they all came through interested chanuels, and at the very best were but of doubtful nature. The Noble Lord then adverted to the system which had been adopted by Buonaparte of arming the population of France, and said, that this was the strongest proof that could be given of the opinion which Buonaparte could declare of his confidence in the people.-He then proceeded to take a review of the comparative force of the Allies at the latter end of the last campaign, and of that commanded by Buonaparte-urged the defection of the Saxon troops, and contended that the Allies could not enter into the contest with the same prospects of advantage as last year. He submitted that Buonaparte, in the course of his confinement, had had an opportunity of viewing the consequences of his own inordinate ambition, of appreciating the wisdom of adopting a different line of policy, and of abandoning those errors for which he had already paid so dear. The Noble Lord concluded by moving an Amendment to the Address, assuring his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, that they cordially agreed to support him, in conjunction with his Allies, in any measures likely to secure the independence of Europe; but that they did not think it justifiable to enter into a war against any person the French nation might think proper to place at the head of its Government.

Earl Bathurst contended, that the House had determined on a recent occasion, that we had sufficient cause for going to war with France. The Noble Earl (Grey) was mistaken in his calculation of the present forces of the Allies. He (Earl B.) then contended that every part of the conduct of the Allies towards Saxony was perfectly justifiable; and denied that the whole of the Saxon corps was in a state of mutiny;

for,