rate and distinct in its nature, objects, subjects, and end. The church is a society of a select and sacred nature, which stands in intimate relation to Christ, from whom it receives special and continual direction, superintendence, and grace; having its existence by the will of Christ, its Head; having a power of self-government, inherent in it by divine right; and being thus authorized to form regularly constituted societies for spiritual purposes, to meet in churches and ecclesiastical courts, to celebrate ordinances, to admit to these spiritual privileges on terms prescribed by Christ, or to exclude from them such as violate these terms; and, generally, to govern and direct the affairs of the christian societies, for the glory of God, and the edification of the household of faith. It will be thus seen, that, on our interpretation of the scriptures, christianity is entirely independent of civil government, and different from it in its ministry, in its motives, in its instrumentality, in its practice, in its teaching, in its officers, in its laws, in its authority, and in its sanctions. It has to do with the men of the world, merely that it may best prepare them for the world which is to come; while, in all things that regard this present life, and the civil rights and temporal interests of men, it leaves them to be guided and controlled by that civil government, which may be established over them, or by them. True christianity is the only religion which draws a proper distinction between the things of God, and the things of Cæsar, earnestly inculcating submission to civil authority in all lawful respects, and that not from inferior but the highest motives. It gives far more sacred and exalted views of civil government, than any other religion. It represents it not as the contrivance of human wisdom, but as the ordinance of Heaven; to be obeyed not from the fear of punishment, but for the sake of conscience. 'Render unto Cæsar the things that are Cæsar's, and unto God the things that are God's.' 'Render unto all

their due tribute to whom tribute is due; custom to whom custom; fear to whom fear; honor to whom honor.' 'Submit yourselves to every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake.' 'You must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake.' &c. Never, says Whateley, was the christian required to do less than to conform to such principles; never will he be called on to do more.

On this subject, the teaching of our church is as beauful as it is scriptural.* God, the supreme Lord and King of all the world, hath ordained civil magistrates to be under him, over the people for his own glory, and the public good; and to this end, hath armed them with the power of the sword, for the defence and encouragement of them that are good, and for the punishment of evil doers. It is the duty of the people to pray for magistrates, to honor their persons, to pay them tribute and other dues, to obey their lawful commands, and to be subject to their authority, for conscience sake. Infidelity, or indifference in religion, doth not make void the magistrate's just and legal authority, nor free the people from their due obedience to him; from which ecclesiastical persons are not exempted; much less hath the pope any power or jurisdiction over them in their dominions, or over any of their people; and, least of all, to deprive them of their dominions or lives, if he shall judge them to be heretics, or upon any pretence whatsoever.'

It follows, therefore, that christianity may and does coexist with any form of civil government, and that christians may be loyal citizens of such a government, and conscientiously uphold and promote its interests, whether

*Nowhere has the distinction between the civil and ecclesiastical power been better explained than in Conf. of Faith, ch. xxiii. of the Civil Magistrate, in the Second Book of Discipline of the Scotch Church, and in the celebrated cxi. Propositions concerning the Ministry and Govt. of the Ch. presented to the Genl. Assembly, and printed, Edinb. 1647, 4to.

it be a monarchy, an aristocracy, or a republic, so far forth as it does not conflict with their duties to God.* We do not, therefore, teach, that because presbyterianism, as an ecclesiastical system, is republican in its character, and most perfectly harmonizes with republican institutions, that presbyterians are less faithful, loyal, or true, as subjects of any other form of civil government, than are the members of any other church.

It is no part of our intention to authenticate, as of divine right, the republican form of civil government, or to allege that this form alone can characterize the ecclesiastical government of a true church. On the contrary, while we believe human government to be an ordinance of God, its particular character is, we think, left to the determination of human reason, under the control of whatever light God has given it in his word and providence. And in conformity with this arrangement, the ecclesiastical government of the church has been so moulded by its divine head, as to be capable of administration under every mode of government, from the absolutism of a despotic monarchy, to the untrammelled liberty of democratic freedom.

We do not, therefore, design to cast any shadow of dark imputation upon the character of church members in other countries and ages, and under other governments than our own happy republic; nor to bring their loyalty and true-hearted allegiance into question. As it regards the presbyterians of Britain, there never have existed a more loyal and devoted race of subjects, nor one more patriotic and true to the best interests of their country.†

See on this point Christ. Indep. of Civil Govt.; Brooke's Hist. of Relig. Lib. vol. i. pp. 4, 6; Lectures on the Headship of .Christ, Glasg. 1840. &c. &c.

†The confessions of faith of all protestant churches, which were drawn up not by moderates but by evangelical men, teach the same. Accordingly, christians, who have been reviled as rebels, have uniformly proved the most enlightened friends of loyalty, and have been most useful in seasons of national danger. The christians of apos

But assuming that the republican form of civil government, as it exists in this country, is best adapted to secure the greatest amount of personal liberty, social enjoyment, and political prosperity; and that it most fully embodies and exhibits the spirit of liberty; our inquiry shall be, whether, and how far, the presbyterian form of church polity is analogous to our civil constitution; whether the genius of presbytery and of republicanism are found to be in strict alliance; and whether, in this respect, our form of ecclesiastical polity does not eminently commend itself to the admiration and regard of every American citizen, to whatever religious denomination he may belong. It will be our object, therefore, to make it appear, that the platform of the Bible, while limited to principles so general as to accommodate it to any order of civil institutions, is yet pregnant with the spirit of liberty; and, when allowed its full development, illustriously displays its essential affinity to whatever is most promotive of human happiness and the liberty of mankind; and that the presbyterian form of ecclesiastical polity most readily adjusts itself to republicanism, and is free from any thing which might justly excite jealousy, distrust, or apprehen

tolic and primitive times were distinguished for their loyalty. Proofs to the same effect might be quoted from the history of the protestant churches of France, and Piedmont, and America. Louis XIV. repeatedly testified to the loyalty of his protestant and evangelical subjects, declaring that they had given proof of their fidelity and zeal for his service beyond all that can be imagined, and contributed in all things to the welfare and advantage of his affairs.' The Duke of Savoy himself gladly acknowledged the loyalty of the Vaudois as quite remarkable. The eminent loyalty and fidelity of presbyterians in contrast with the disloyalty of prelates, has been demonstrated from the facts of English and Irish history, by almost all the old writers. See Prynne's Antipathy of the English Lordly Prelacy both to Regal Monarchy and Civil Unity, &c. Lond. 1641, 2 vols. 4to. Milton's Reason of Ch. Govt. in Works, vol. i. p. 29, &c. Lord Brooke on Episcopacy, ch. vii. and ix. p. 38. Jameson's Fundamentals of the Hierarchy, part i. § 2, pp. 5 and 17. Baxter on Episcopacy. Calamy's Defence. Pierce's Defence, &c. &c. See also Lorimer's Manual of Presbytery, ch. v. p. 207, &c. Campbell's Vindication of the Principles and Character of Presbyt. Ch. in Ireland. Lond. 1787, third ed. and Plea for Presbytery.

sion on the part of the governing authorities of the land, or of a justly watchful people.

Neither is it any part of our design to criminate other denominations, or to hold up what is distinctively called the presbyterian church, as the only one that is analogous to that form of republican government under which we live, much less to imply that others are hostile to the powers that be.' On the contrary, we rejoice in believing, that, to a great extent, there is a harmony of spirit and of order between the ecclesiastical system of our various christian denominations, and those of the civil commonwealth, and that the members of all desire to emulate the highest attainments in patriotic devotion to the interests of our country. But in the strength of this analogy, as exhibited in different churches, we believe there is a great diversity, some being more republicanized than others. The degree of approximation to a republic, found in the numerous leading forms of ecclesiastical polity, we shall have occasion to point out; and while we believe that any form of church government will consist with any form of civil government, which does not, by any of its principles, interfere with the authority of that government in civil matters,* fidelity will require us to point out the dangerous character of popery, which binds all its members in subjection to a foreign potentate, and to a despotic hierarchy.

To such a comparison we are urged by the zeal with which all denominations are pressing their claims to a republican character, upon the attention of a people, to whom such a recommendation justly gives a most hearty welcome. 'We have repeatedly,' says the New England Puritan, 'recorded our conviction, that congregationalism is not only more in harmony with the teachings of the New Testament than any other system of eccle

*Brooke on Episcop. pp. 39, 40, 47.