watched is the sole condition on which the component members of a constitution, framed like ours, can possibly adhere together, is a principle which we deduce, at every step, in reading the history of the reign of Charles; and no less clearly do we see, that of the respective duties incumbent upon subjects and their rulers, that of the former is much more arduous in its nature, and more incessant in the attention it requires, Nor is it a duty which has grown either more easy or less necessary in the course of ages, but, on the contrary, has become only the more difficult and imperious by the substitution of a new enemy, much more subtle in its operations, and consequently demanding much greater attention than the former, Prerogative, though a strong and dangerous foe, could never effectually conceal his aggressions, which might, therefore, always be withstood and checked before they had proceeded to any fatal extremity. But influence, working underground, and imperceptible in its motions, sounds no note of alarm, and offers no point of attack. Like some subtle poison, stealing through all the veins of the body politic, it unnerves every arm, and corrupts every heart. Creating an opposition among our passions, and making interest rebel against honour, it arms us against ourselves, and deprives us, not merely of the power, but even the will to act with freedom and resolution. Added to this, the science of politics having become much more complex than heretofore, and speaking a new language of its own, it is both much more difficult, on the one hand, to perceive the bearing and tendency of any particular measure; and, on the other, much easier to wrap up a pernicious meaning in an envelope of ill-defined or unintelligible phrases. Then the va rious parts of the government being more nicely adjusted than formerly, the whole works more smoothly and silently, and, therefore, less frequently draws our attention; and seldom stopping or going flagrantly wrong, never startles, us into examining the state of the internal machinery. But it is not therefore certain, that it may not one day stop, and the derangement be found irremediable ;-the most fatal and absolute decay is generally that, which, in the beginning, was, the least perceptible. In the fortunate absence of such provocatives as are wanting to preserve in us the requisite attention to the motions of our vessel, it is well to get imbued with the spirit of more suspicious times; and to learn by the dire experience of others, rather than our own, the necessity of an alert and even watchful jealousy. This lesson, so needful in every free state, is inculcated more forcibly by, the whole tenor of government proceedings in the reign of which we have been treating, than by that of any other period we could possibly select for the purpose. Besides, the elements of the constitution being

I

not then reduced to that perfect subordination one to another to which they have since attained, those different principles, that are to be found in every mixed constitution, and which, though more covertly, are not less surely working now than then, are there seen in open conflict, and give us the means of more duly appreciating their influence upon the whole machine of government. Finally, the catastrophe, though of a nature to inspire us with the profoundest melancholy, yet affords a memorable example of the madness, as well as danger, of trusting to the personal qualities of the monarch for the just administration of the laws; and consigning into his hands those reins on his authority, which the wisdom of our forefathers had lodged with the representatives of the people,

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In reading the history of this singular issue of the disputes between Charles and his parliament, it seems, at first sight, as though we were unable, on reasonable and sufficient grounds, to account for the mighty revulsion of feeling in the people, which gave the monarch so complete a triumph over the exclusionists. The wonder is enhanced, when we consider that the fathers of that generation had contended in arms with his father, and that they themselves, shortly afterwards, rose up against his successor, in defence of those very privileges, which they now were not only willing, but apparently delight, ed to resign. And, indeed, the causes of this phenomenon, though, as was seen by their effects, powerful in operation, are not very ostensible or marked in their character. Perhaps it was that very recollection of the war the country had waged, and of the military despotism in which it had terminated, that, having left a most disagreeable impression on their minds, made them feelingly alive to the danger of a like result to the present contest. The excesses of the republican party too had tended to lessen their respect for the cause of liberty in general; and giving the royalists a preponderance throughout the nation, furnished them also with the opportunity of raising a cry against their opponents, as aiming at a similar subversion of monarchy and episcopacy. The church and king in danger, this a watchword of alarm in all periods of our history-was never more successfully raised than now, by, the opposers of the exclusion bill: and we must be well aware, how mighty in operation, in this country, is any cry that has once fairly got possession of the mouths and ears of the vulgar. Besides, the character of Charles was not seen in the same light by them that it is by us. That steady support of his brother, which, if not virtue, at least, as Mr. Fox observes, bears strong resemblance to it, though really to be ascribed to the influence of very different feelings, would doubtless appear to them to result from a noble affection, and strict re

gard to justice. They thought him hardly used his appeal softened their hearts-they compassionated him as a "very honest gentleman," ill-treated by a set of designing men-and as a king, they believed and trusted him.

On whatever principles we are to account for this revolution in the feelings of men, it certainly manifested itself in the most striking and portentous manner. No sooner had he dissolved the parliament, which met at Oxford, and issued a declaration, "fraught," as Sir John Reresby expresses it, "with the fairest promises to his people, and assuring them of his firm intentions to govern inviolably according to law, and the like," than he received "the thanks of the city of London, and of several counties and corporations throughout England.”— Address followed address-each vying with the other in abuse of all those principles, which had both before and have since been entertained, with religious devotion. "The petitions for a parliament," said Lord Halifax, who never hesitated between his friend and a joke, "spit in the king's face, but these spit in his mouth." Among these, the addresses from the two universities were particularly distinguished by the virulence with which they condemned every principle on which a free government must necessarily depend for its existence; and, in that of Oxford especially, the day of Lord Russel's execution was, in a manner, celebrated by committing to the flames, in the absence of the authors, certain pamphlets which presumed to advocate more liberal sentiments. But it was not long before both the corporations and universities met with their reward.The punishment of the latter, indeed, was deferred till the succeeding reign; but the former were almost instantly called upon to make good their assurances, and prove, by the voluntary surrender of their charters, that they did, indeed, believe his Majesty to be the "breath of their nostrils," and him of whom they held rights, property, and all. They had made an idol of their monarch; and he, instead of justifying their devotion, like most other idols, exacted, from his worshippers, offerings, which they were loth to pay, and yet durst not refuse. "A happiness, indeed, it was," exclaims Sir John Reresby, in a tone, which, if not meant to be ironical, might easily be mistaken for such-" a happiness, indeed, it was for his people to live under so good and so gracious a prince! And now we begin to have a prospect of halcyon days again."What sort of days these were, we shall presently see.

The city of London, as in all time, both before and since, leading the way in every opposition to the court, and the first to remonstrate against every abuse of power, was the most obnoxious of all the corporations, and, therefore, the first marked out for vengeance. When, by the aid of his law officers, with

Lord Chief Justice North at their head, his Majesty had succeeded in storming this strongest hold of the independent party, and despoiled it of its charter, almost every other corporation in the kingdom, at the sound of the talismanic words quo warranto, was obliged, as our author says, "to truckle" to the crown, and make voluntary surrender. One instance, among many, deserves our particular attention, both from the share which Sir John seems to have had in the aggression, and as it shews on what grounds, and from what motives, his Majesty was induced to make it. The city of York, of which Sir John Reresby, through the interest of Lord Halifax, had obtained the government, had, it seems, (but he shall tell his own story)

"been more noted than most places in England, for the height and virulence of faction; but, after I had been there some time, finding some of the leaders willing to abate of their warmth, I engaged myself in some private discourse with Mr. Alderman Ramsden, one of the most extraordinary of the whole fraternity, and so well explained to him the danger they were in, if they did not shew some speedy signs of remorse and repentance for their former behaviour, that he confessed himself sensible of errors committed upon several occasions, (viz.) in that they had so often persisted in their choice of such members as they knew to be quite ungrateful to the king; in that they had so unhandsomely received the Duke of York, when he passed through their city, in his way to Holland; and in that they had petitioned for a parliament, but never addressed or abhorred; but that, after all, he was afraid their offences were too enormous to be pardoned, upon a consideration less than the surrender of their charter, which they did not know how to think of. I then asked him what he thought the city might be persuaded to do, by way of some atonement? To which he answered, they might be brought to do three things, if they might be accepted. First, to lay aside Alderman Thompson, a parish antimonarchial fellow, to whom it fell of course to be lord mayor the next year; secondly, to chuse a new high steward, and to offer the honour to his Royal Highness, in lieu of the Duke of Buckingham, whom they would put out, or, in case his Highness should refuse it, to his Lordship of Halifax; and thirdly, to elect better members for that city, when occasion should offer. These three things, he said, were feasible, might they be thought sufficient."

We think it was not without good reason that Sir John denominated Mr. Ramsden an extraordinary man: for a provincial alderman, he appears to have understood sufficiently well the way of courts, and the temper of princes. Lord Halifax, however, was too prudent to venture the king's letter to the corporation, upon the strength of these proposals; particularly, as the impending decision against the city of London charter, would leave that of York, as well as of every other

town in the kingdom, at their mercy. As to their chusing his Highness to be their steward," he judged it improper and unfit, upon many accounts;" but as to their chusing himself, he was very willing they should do it, "provided it did not seem to be his own request." But the corporation, like experienced courtiers, judged it more advisable to send the patent of the office, in a gold box, to the little Duke of Richmond, the king's son by Lady Portsmouth; for which compliment, they received her Grace's thanks in a letter, "wherein she said the king was very well pleased that the second city in England had had that regard for her son." But not so did the storm blow over the second city, after all: "the king had conceived fresh displeasure against it, and coming one evening from the Duchess of Portsmouth's, he said to Sir John, leaning upon his arm, he was afraid that the lord mayor was but a bad man; and asked him, if" he knew sufficient matter for bringing a Quo Warranto against their charter." Sir John replied he did not, but would endeavour to inform himself thereof: to which his Majesty rejoined, "I only recommend it to you." Soon after, in consequence, the action was brought-and the charter surrendered at discretion. And what, think you, was the cause of this his Majesty's displeasure? Not their electing opposition members-not their unhandsome reception of his Highness -not their petitioning for a parliament, and never abhorring: No-all this was venial, and might have been pardoned. The unpardonable offence was this:" The lord mayor, it seems, had refused to let a mountebank erect his stage in that city, though he was furnished with the king's recommendation, which the man complaining of, his Majesty thought himself thereby slighted or injured!"

Pudet hæc opprobria, vobis

Et dici potuisse, et non potuisse refelli.

Meantime, whilst Charles was thus instructing his people what degree of trust was to be reposed in the plighted word of a king," that in all affairs relating to himself, the laws should have their regular course," by making them the instruments of ruining every man, and every set of men, who had ever happened to give him the least offence,—people began anxiously to inquire of one another whether a parliament was ever to be called again. "This was the great point in expectation," says Sir John, "all over the country, and, indeed, throughout Christendom, which looked to it as the only chance left of preserving Flanders from the yoke of France; but I learnt, (he adds) from a great man, that we were in no way of having one, his Majesty being bent upon ruling his kingdom in another manner." Even Lord Halifax, who was the only one of Charles's minis