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are the same. The Michigan and Ohio roads show the progress of business in farming districts; the Georgia and South Carolina roads that of the cotton districts; the Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New-York roads that of the trading interests; while those of Massachusetts reflect more particularly the development of manufacturing resources; and these latter have not prospered the least. The amount of capital now invested in those of Massachusetts is $51,801,126, having increased twenty millions in four years, and nows pays an aggregate average profit of six per cent. from the net earnings of the works-a fact which does not indicate any very speedy revulsion like that which has overtaken the railroads of England. It appears that the produce and business of certain sections paid to capital invested in transportation $6,800,000 more money in 1849 than in 1846; and this at reduced charges, and without embracing freights on the canals. There must have been enhanced industry, and more abundant production, to have effected so large an apparent payment. As far as returns have been made for the present year, there has been an increase over the figures for 1850.

The imports at the port of New-York have been, as seen in the official table which we recently published, large, and this continues to be the case as compared with last year. Since the first of May, the imports, according to our weekly returns, have been as follows:

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May 3.......58,476...67,959...

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Silk.

Flax.

Mis.

Total.

1849.

.44.864...51,133...11,575....234,067...303.952

10 ...........125,103..138,783....308,791...91,079...29.655....691,411...580,856 .150.319..125,314.... 197,932...66.760.... .9,267....518,592...282,332 .302,834..177,885... 174,588..127,446....6,300....789,009...158,368 31......190,504..149,897. .269,591...80.392....7,300....637,735...184,479 June 7......288,205..157,243.... ..323,387...91,059...21,970....944,694...310,026

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.203,402..148,680........147,818...65,389...38,730....703,539...373,913 131,669...42,531.... 4,898....299,077...380.923

21......57,658...62,327

Total.....$1,376,551 993,008 1,833,123 507,743 129.625 4,834,864 2,574,846

This is a very large increase in the supplies of goods, mostly in silks; and it is wonderful that, under the operation of a tariff so high as that which is now imposed, quantities so great can find sale in competition with those of our productions. The fact is apparent in the large quantities of raw material taken by manufacturers, and the present firmness not only of domestic but imported goods, under these large supplies of the latter, added to the rapid increase of southern and western factories, that a very considerable demand for goods exists in the country at large, and much in excess of last year. The abundance of the capital, and the stimulus recently given to the adoption of steam power, have combined to multiply factories in every locality. Two new factories are announced in Georgia, of 5000 spindles each-the one in Campbell county, just completed, and the other in Cobb county, just commenced. These southern works not only take supplies of cotton directly from plantations, but curtail to the extent of their operations the market for corresponding eastern and northern goods, without conflicting much with the finer descriptions imported. The prices which this year have been obtained for cotton have put into the hands of the south the means of entering the field of manufacturing. In order

to compare the rise in the value of the cotton crop, we shall take the number of bales exported from the United States, and the average prices monthly in New York-these showing generally the average value of the whole export:

COTTON EXPORTED FROM THE U. STATES, SEPT. 1 TO JULY 1.

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.13,570,600....362,335.....11 al2.... 16,662,810

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.74a8. .....5,460,168.. 145,572.. ..........13 a134............7,716,316 129,166.. .124a13. ..6,742,636

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May..... 203,400.

June..... 243,398..

2,117 210..

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*79,282.. 13 a13.

..4,226,237

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Total '48. 1,645,895..

June 1 to 14.

..51,876,069

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The accuracy of this mode of estimate is tested in the fact that the exports for 1848 and 1849 were $51,876,069 and $64,655,430 each for ten months. official value of the whole year 1849 was $66,396,967. It will be observed also, that the exports for June, 1849, embraced the whole month, while for this year it is only half the month. If the exports for the last half of the month equal those of the first half, then the value of cotton exported this year, since September 1st, will have exceeded by nearly $1,000,000 the value of the large crop of 1849, and by $14,000,000 that of 1848. The supply of bills from this source this year is quite equal for the month to that derived from the same source last year, and exceeds by nearly 3,000,000 that of 1848. It is also to be considered that the stock now in the ports is 404,000 bales, worth $21,412,000 against 289,000 bales, worth $10,115,000, last year; that is to say, there is a value of 11 millions more on hand!this year than last, and this is equal to cash. Under all these circumstances the Southern interests are prosperous. They have obtained more money for much less cotton, or they have obtained an average $52 per bale this year against $30 last year. The whole receipts stands as follows:

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That is to say, for 668,000 bales less cotton they have had $22,684,000 more money. Those large planters, therefore, whose crop was nearly an average, have had a most prosperous year; and the south, as a whole, has had less expense of bale rope and bagging, freight, transportation, &c., for the same value of sales. This has given them considerable means, not only for the purchase of goods, but for the establishment of factories; and this latter fact will exert its influence in another year.

POLITICAL MISCELLANY:

SENATORIAL FESTIVAL.

THE clear-sighted, sagacious and patriotic course pursued by Senator Dickinson, as the representative of the great State of New-York in the National Senate, under the trying circumstances in which the democracy and the country has been placed, through the attempt of a few individuals to introduce sectional questions for selfish purposes, has won the admiration and respect of all parties. And, while the Whig Common Council were constrained to bow to public opinion and tender the great statesman civic honors and the hospitalities of the city for his services in relation to the establishment of a mint, his fellow-citizens, the democracy of the county, held a festival at Tammany-Hall, to testify their sense of his distinguished services in the cause of the Union and human rights. On the appointed evening, June 17th, the honored guest entered the dining-room, leaning on the arm of Charles O'Conor, Esq., the President.

The Vice-Presidents were John D. Van Buren, Royal Phelps, and John A. Lott, Esqs., and General Ward.

The guests numbered some two hundred, being all that could obtain tickets. Including among them Ex-Senator Stewart, of Maryland; the Hon. John McKeon, District-Attorney; Edw. Sandford, Esq.; Robert McLane, Esq., of Baltimore; Hon. Samuel Beardsley; Judge Barton, of Pennsylvania; Hon. Benjamin Brandreth; Hon. A. Birdsell; Ex-Mayors Lawrence, Mickle, and Morris; Ex-Alderman Stoneall; F. B. Cutting, Esq.; George Law, Esq.; Mr. McMurray, and other distinguished democrats.

As soon as the cloth was removed, the President of the evening, Mr. Chas. O'Conor, rapped to order, and proposed the first of the regular toasts, which

was:

"The Union-Conciliation called it into being; simple and even-handed justice will preserve it forever."

Mr. O'Conor proceeded to express, briefly and eloquently, the sentiments entertained by the democracy of the State for the distinguished guest, whose course rising above faction, had so eminently illustrated the genius of the Union.

"On the other hand, we have (said he,) seen the democrats, whom we have been accustomed to revere, to whom our hopes have been given during a quarter of a century, (I don't speak of one man, I speak of many,) I say we have seen the democracy-the sworn public officers who pledged their oath to support the Constitution-we have seen the fanaticial free-soilers, devoted to the establishment of dogmas which would destroy all harmony as well as the Constitution, since they violated all principle. Among the patriots who have been most distinguished in supporting the compromise of the Constitution, was the illustrious representative of New-York, whose vote at all times, and at every step of the question, has been true to the Constitution, true to the South, and faithful to the North, as a just representative of the great State of New-York."

Mr. Dickinson responded in a speech of great power-listened to with the liveliest interest-clearly demonstrating that the principles of self-government

whether applied to California or New-York, is the true basis of human liberty. The speech struck that chord of the democratic heart which ever responds to a sound principle; and the impression that New-York in the person of Mr. Dickinson is worthily represented in the United States Senate, was general.

SENATOR ELMORE.

SOUTH CAROLINA has been peculiarly unfortunate in the loss of eminent men, who represent her state sovereignty in the national councils. The death of the immortal Calhoun, on the 31st March, 1850, was followed by the appointment of the Hon. Franklin H. Elmore, to fill the vacancy. His credentials were presented on the 17th April, but his career only reached the 27th May, when he died at Washington, at the age of 60 years.

The Hon. Franklin H. Elmore was a native of South Carolina, and for a number of years past has been one of her most prominent politicians—a man of gigantic intellect, he possessed all the elements necessary to a great statesman. He was twice elected to Congress from the Charleston district of his native state, but in 1842 retired, with a determination to enter no more into public life. He was soon, however, called to the presidency of the Bank of South Carolina, to the interests of which he has since been most devoted. Upon the election of Mr. Van Buren to the Presidency, he was tendered the appointment of Minister to England, but declined, preferring a more private life. The same post was tendered him by Mr. Polk; but he again refused to accept. Mr. E. was a man of great personal popularity, and the legislature of his state, in 1848, elected him to the Senate of the United States, the news of which election he received about a week after it was made. He immediately repaired to Columbia, where the legislature was in session, and tendered his declination, positively refusing to take his attention from the duties of president of the bank; which he continued sedulously to discharge, until on the death of Mr. Calhoun, he was called upon by the Governor of South Carolina, to supply the vacancy in the United States Senate. This appointment he accepted; upon the condition that he should not be expected to accept and serve another term. In the domestic relations of life, Mr. Elmore was a kind husband, an affectionate father, and a firm friend. He was the intimate friend, and enjoyed the full confidence of his predecessor in the Senate. He married, in early life, a sister of the late Hon. Dixon H. Lewis, of Alabama, who survives him, with eleven children.

HUNGARIAN INDEPENDENCE.-Speech of the Hon. Alexander W. Buel, of Michigan, delivered in the House of Representatives, Feb. 20, 1850.

The great problem of self-government as respects the Caucasian race, has been satisfactorily solved in the United States, and the steady light shed from our conspicuous and refulgent institutions, is penetrating the thick gloom of despotic affinities in Europe and like the fire which guided God's chosen people through the wilderness, leads the aspirations of expectant Europe towards their rightful inheritance of liberty. Bound about as those people are with the force, wiles, and wickedness of aristocratic oppressors, their struggles are more arduous and more hopeless than were those of our revolutionary sires in their darkest days. While they cling, hopefully, to our example in the hour of their trial, they look at least if not for direct aid against a common enemy, for such

encouragement as expressed sympathies may bestow-and these it is our obvious duty to proffer. A few noble hearts, who feel for the great principles of freedom whenever they may be jeoparded, have recognized this duty, and boldly demanded of the administration, why it has hesitated in the aid of Hungary to perform a duty which was promptly discharged in the case of France? The speech of Judge Buel most ably covers this ground, and eloquently sketches the geographical and political relations of the brave and intelligent Hungarians, to the rest of Europe, describing with great force and accuracy the gigantic exertions and skilful operations of the immortal Kossuth, not only on behalf of his own countrymen, but for the cause of freedom in Italy. He then, with becoming sarcasm, remarks:

"Let us now, Mr. Chairman, turn from these scenes of triumph to ourselves, to the American Executive and Cabinet. What were they doing whilst Hungary was sending her money to Venice and preparing to march to the relief of that Republic? What did they, or the President's agent in Europe' do, whilst the Sultan-yes, the Sultan, was openly expressing his sympathies for Hungary? What did they do, whilst even the autocrat of Turkey was loudly protesting against the march of Russian troops through her territories to the conquest of Hungary? Nothing, nothing. No kind protest or recognition fell from their lips. With tomb-like silence they listened to the burning appeal of Hungary, whilst the grave of Washington spoke louder than his LIVING MODEL. The voice of the dead was heard even above that of the living.

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"Sir, we look in vain, in vain about us, for some evidence of a sincere, heartfelt and practical sympathy of the Administration, towards unhappy Hungary; and we are constrained to say, that in neglecting to recognize Hungary as a de facto government, at the period of her triumph over Austria, the President and his Cabinet departed from the settled policy of the country, disappointed the friends of freedom, and did violence to the sympathies and wishes of the American people.' The war, then, must go on: and it must go on, not merely for the sake of Hungary, but for the sake of order in Poland, order in Germany, order in Italy, and order in Europe.

"Now we have reached that point, when the aid of willing Russia was invoked, and she precipitated upon Hungary her Cossack legions to the number of 200,000, thus bringing into the field an army of 400,000 men. And for what? To prevent a revolution in Hungary! No, sir, to overthrow one already consummated; to undo that which had been already done. The real question was between Hungary and Austria, Did not the prayer of Austria for Russia help admit, as against herself, the triumph of Hungary, and her ability to maintain her independence? Did not the intervention of Russia with so mighty an army admit it, as against Austria? And should the American Executive have hesitated to admit, what had been thus admitted by Russia and even Austria herself?

“It mattered not, sir, in my opinion, what might be the result of the Russian invasion. It was not a question whether Hungary be independent of Russia, or whether she was able to maintain herself against the countless legions of the Czar. In such a struggle she might fall; yet the Executive should have hoped on to the end, well knowing that the voice of history utters a warning in the ears of the oppressor; and that there are times and circumstances which may give birth to one of those desperate struggles,' in which a just Providence yields not the race to the swift, nor the battle to the strong; well knowing, that if history points to her Charonea, she points also to her Thermopylæ; if she points to the gloomy banks of the Delaware, she points also to Bunker's Hill; if she points to the dark omens of the past, she points to the bright omens of the future.

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The Executive, then, should have done his duty. He should have spoken the truth boldly. He should have done what Russia had done before him

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