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struggle, which, to my mind, presages the final liberty of Europe; but it will be an ordeal of fire and blood. The conservative influences which have, for selfish purposes, evoked the demon of war, have also aroused a spirit in the people which cannot be propitiated or allayed.

Are we to remain silent spectators of the scene? Time alone will disclose our part. But in view of our position as a nation, representing that. principle of government for which the earnest souls of Europe pant as “the hart for the water-brooks;" in view of the fact, written unmistakably in history, that Providence has assigned to us the solution of the great problem of our race, the capacity of man for selfgovernment, it behoves us to preserve from taint our institutions, and to make our nationality so conspicuous in all true and manly requisites, that it may be a beacon whose rays shall ever shine with an undimmed and certain lustre.

And is the future without its dangers to ourselves ? Is our isolated position to protect us from collision with the mighty powers beyond the Atlantic ? God grant it may. But with our growth as a nation, our interests have proportionately extended. We are threatening to overshadow the continent. Our relations with the South-American States that are now involved in civil war, may force us to assert the superior right of a progressive civilization to the control of a land upon which nature has heaped every blessing, over the misrule of semibarbarous governments, which, in the name of liberty, trample upon humanity and law, and employ the superstitions of a degraded church to debase the intellect of the people.

But such a step on our part would arouse the watchful jealousy of foreign powers. If they should deny our right, as the leading government of the continent, to arrange, supervise and control, for the protection of our citizens and the furtherance of our commercial interests, the disordered affairs of our sister republics, war would be the melancholy but inevitable result. Are we prepared for such a struggle? Would the men of '59 breathe the patriotism of '76 ? Would the spirit of Lexington again animate the citizens? Would our batteries awake the echoes of Chippewa and Lundy's Lane? I pause not for an answer. A patriotism as pure and deroted as that of the Revolution would be exhibited : there would be but one crr, *To

arms;" but one spirit, Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori.

But the patriotism which would rally the people about the national standard, the spirit which would animate the battle-field, must spring from the consciousness of an honest performance of the manifold duties of citizenship. That alone can nerve the arm to strike righthanded blows for country, home, and altar.

The citizen who performs his duties is entitled to reward. Grecian and Roman antiquity decreed triumphal processions, wreaths and crowns, to him who on the battle-field or in the senate had served his country. The reward of the American citizen is the satisfaction of promoting the great cause of human freedom.

The liberty of the ancient republics was restrictive : ours is as expansive as the universe; its pulsations beat time to the march of the age, and throb with the heart of humanity. The,' lands conquered by our arms are blessed with our institutions. The presence of our flag guarantees the privileges of the Constitution. We annex, not alone to impose our civilization, but to confer our liberty. With what pride should the American citizen contemplate the progress of his land! What nobler reward for duty

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performed can he ask, than to feel that the prosperity of this great nation has been entrusted to him, and that he has fulfilled the trust?

Every true citizen has a right so to feel. He has filled his sphere : he has given an example to the timid ; has been a reproach to the corrupt. He has assisted in accomplishing the purposes of another cycle of time, as it rolled on to its eternal judgment. What, in comparison, are crowns and wreaths ? What, to the satisfaction of a great political duty performed, is a triumphal procession with its train of languid slaves, its neighing steeds, its glittering display of beauty, arms, treasure !

If the citizen will look over the vast expanse of the continent, and, seeing everywhere the evidences of a high civilization, will remember that it is the growth of years, not of centuries; will recal the fact that this wonderful development is due to the application of a single principle, the right and the ability of man to govern himself; and will learn, from the Constitution under which he lives, that to his care is entrusted that principle, his manhood must be aroused to meet and assist the great necessities of the times.

The crowded marts of commerce, the teeming cities, the plain and hill-side blooming under the skilful hand of man, the white sails dotting every lake and river, the energy that moves in every enterprize, speak to him with an eloquence and poetry so grand, so beautiful, so true, that he must respond in the performance of those acts which will sustain these efforts of the age, and keep in motion that high principle of progress which, on our shores, has found a development to cease only with time. Do we appreciate the position, perform the duties, enjoy the rewards? Do we, possessing the fullest liberty, know what it is to be free? Do we comprehend that the United States has established another fact in history, that republican liberty is compatible with good government ? Ask the victim of Austrian persecution, what is liberty: of the martyrs to Napoleon's despotism on the pestilential shores of Cayenne, ask what is liberty: open the dungeons of the Neapolitan monster, and ask the noble souls there lingering in pain, what is liberty; and they will answer you by pointing to America. In our Revolution, they recognized the success of the principle. They sought to achieve it for themselves, in the very

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