cordance with law, and not in disobedience of any orders of my superior." The net result of the controversy was to embroil Grant in the partisan politics which he had consistently tried to avoid. Henceforth he became a bitter opponent of Johnson and an advocate of impeachment. The supporters of the President declared that Grant had made a "fool of himself," and that the radicals were using him as a "tool." "Prevarication and downright falsehood, with deception and treachery toward his chief," declared Welles, in the confidence of his diary, "mark the conduct of U. S. Grant."

Distressing as this episode must have been, it did not hurt Grant with the great mass of the people. It was generally felt that Johnson had tried to involve the popular general in his own political quarrel, and, while Grant had not shown much political acumen in avoiding the question, that he was undoubtedly honest and patriotic, and had exhibited a strong will.

While the impeachment was being tried, public meetings all over the country were indorsing Grant as a candidate for the Presidency. The radicals dominated the Republican party, and no other candidate was even considered. In October, 1867, John A. Andrew, the war-governor of Massachusetts, declared that "the tendency of the hour is toward Grant, and that is best." In May, 1868, shortly after the Senate had voted on the articles of impeachment, Grant was unanimously nominated by the Republican convention at Chicago. Schuy

ler Colfax, who had long been Speaker of the House of Representatives, was nominated for the VicePresidency. The Democratic convention placed in nomination for the Presidency, Horatio Seymour of New York, and for the Vice-Presidency, Francis P. Blair of Missouri. Grant's letter of acceptance was memorable for its commendable brevity and the concluding sentence-"Let us have peace."

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In the campaign which followed he took little part, spending most of his time at Galena. The Democratic platform declared for a reversal of the reconstruction policy of Congress, so that the parties were aptly characterized as "Grant and Peace" versus Blair and Revolution." Despite the enthusiasm and energy of the Democrats, there was little doubt as to the result. The Republican ticket received the vote of twenty-six states, having 214 electoral votes, while Seymour received but 80. The popular majority was 309,584. Three of the Southern states, as yet unreconstructed, Virginia, Mississippi and Texas, did not take part in the election. Of the Southern states, Grant carried North and South Carolina, Florida, Alabama, Arkansas and Tennessee.

It was not, therefore, as the leader of a faction, but as the foremost citizen of the Republic, that Grant assumed the highest office in the gift of his countrymen.

CHAPTER XIII

EIGHT YEARS AS PRESIDENT

"My own opinion is that, considering the state of the country, Grant will make the best President we can get. What we want in national politics is quiet, harmony and stability, and these are more likely with Grant than any politician I know of." So wrote Sherman in the summer of 1868. It was the expression of an opinion based upon a most intimate knowledge of the man, and a close observation of conditions in Washington, and it phrases fairly the general expectation of the country. Grant's inexperience in civil administration was conceded, but his strong will was also known; his lack of knowledge of political finesse was admitted, but his rugged patriotism had been proven. He was elected, therefore, with full information of both strength and weakness, and if his administration of the affairs of the country along some lines is censured by the judgment of history, it must at least be granted, in his favor, that he did his best, and never despaired of the future of his country.

His inauguration was characterized by one incident which showed his intense resentment of any criticism of personal integrity. Custom had prescribed that the outgoing executive and the new

President should ride together to the Capitol, but Grant refused to accompany his predecessor, or to recognize in any way either Johnson or those members of the Cabinet who had joined in the hostile statement about the Cabinet imbroglio. The inaugural address was calm and dispassionate in tone, without striking recommendations or phrases, except perhaps one sentence, which brought to mind the troubles which had just been concluded. "I shall have a policy to recommend," he said, "but none to enforce against the will of the people." The solemn oath of office was pronounced, and Grant was now confronted with a new and strange task, for which his previous training gave him no adequate preparation.

It will be convenient to treat his two administrations of the presidency as a unit, and to consider the various questions presented topically, so as to maintain the continuity of subject, even though chronological sequence be sacrificed.

There had been considerable curiosity concerning the membership in the Cabinet, which remained unsatisfied until the nominations were sent to the Senate. Grant had entered upon his new work with a profound distrust for the tactics of politicians based upon his experiences in Washington during the previous years. He had consequently advised with no one and had avoided confidences with the party leaders. It was not surprising, therefore, that he made mistakes which served to open the vials of public criticism. For Secretary of State he nomi

nated Washburne, for many years the Congressman from his home district, to whose zealous friendship Grant owed his first opportunities for public service. This appointment was intended as a personal compliment, for Washburne was really destined for the diplomatic service and desired the preliminary appointment of the Secretaryship, to add to his prestige abroad. After a few days he resigned to serve as the Minister to France, but he utilized his brief term to make a number of personal appointments. This use of public office as a means of discharging personal or political obligations, while common at the time, reacted unfavorably upon public sentiment which had hoped for higher conceptions of efficiency.

After Washburne resigned, Grant approached James F. Wilson, and upon his declination nominated ex-Governor Hamilton Fish, of New York, a man of commanding ability and sterling character who was extremely reluctant to accept a position thus cheapened in the public mind, but who finally yielded to Grant's necessity. It was a fortunate conclusion, for the most notable success of the administration was the direct result of Fish's capacity and personality.

Alexander T. Stewart, the leading merchant of New York City, was nominated for the Treasury, and with the others, was immediately confirmed. Two days later it was discovered that under the Act of September 2, 1789, Stewart, as an importer of foreign goods, was not eligible for the post. He