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made up from rents of royal domains, from the postoffice, lotteries, royal mines, and manufactures carried on by government or let out to licensed undertakers. Now from this schedule it appears, that land as property pays less in proportion than other kinds of property towards the state. The direct tax on land (Grundsteuer), 9,847,000 thalers, exceeds the direct taxes on personal property-the Gewerbsteuer and Classensteuer together-only by 1,300,000 thalers. This is evidently not the proportion between the value of the land in this country, in which as yet there is little capital, and the value of other kinds of property; and the latter are much more heavily taxed in proportion than with us. It appears also that poor rates, town rates, and such local burdens are not imposed, as in England, on land or houses alone, but also on all other property-on trades, professions, or other sources of income, by a Gewerbsteuer and Classensteuer. These taxes, whether direct or indirect, on trade and industry, are adverse to the object of Prussia to raise a manufacturing industrial interest; and if a few millions of thalers could be raised by imposing an export duty upon the bread corn of our labouring classes, the Prussian government would be quite right in doing so. It would be able to relieve its own subjects of some of the taxes which press most heavily on their industry. The landed interest would have no just cause to complain, being still taxed or rated less heavily than other kinds of property; and its markets would be no more affected by the Prussian export duty than at present by the British import duty. The price to the consumers-the British public would be the same. It is evident that such a free trade in corn would not give us cheap bread. A discriminating duty on corn, that is a nominal duty on grain coming to us with only a nominal export duty upon it, and rising even to be prohibitive on grain shipped under heavy export duties at the foreign port, appears to be the nearest approach that can be made, without previous

in corn or timber. Free trade requires a free market to act in, that is, a market with free effective competition. But it appears from Mr. Jacob's report, that there is no effective competition from all the corn exporting countries of the world put together, in the British market with Dantzick and the other Baltic ports under the dominion of Prussia.

The true free trade in corn is to be sought at home -in the free production of it, in relieving the land and labour employed in producing it from all unequal rates, taxes, and burdens, and from all social or political privileges or preferences that prevent working capitals from being invested in land.

The abolition of the import duty on corn is a measure pregnant with unseen results. Many of the expected effects such as that of reducing the cost of breadare not exactly within the power of our own legislation but require the concurrence of other governments to produce them; and a revolution in our whole social economy inevitably attends it. Men in power may fairly be excused (whether they be tories or liberals) for not making up their minds so suddenly upon this great question, as those who see none of the difficulties or consequences may desire. It is unjust to blame the late or the present administration for hesitation, or delay in legislating on this measure. It is by no means a simple measure involving in its effect the price of the quartern loaf at the baker's shop, and nothing more.



THE Rhine is, no doubt, an historical river; but the political economist reads history in its stream differently from the scholar, or the antiquarian. This river has been flowing these two thousand years through the centre of European civilisation - yet how little industry or traffic upon its waters! not one river barge in ten miles of river! Is not this the effect of faulty social economy, of bad government, of restricted freedom among the twenty or thirty millions of people dwelling in communication with this great water-way? Is it not a bitter historical satire on the feudal institutions which have so long reigned on either side of this river? In America, rivers not half a century old to any human knowledge are teeming with floating craft exchanging industry for industry between rising cities, and communities of free self-governing men. This ancient river Rhine flows stately and silently through vast populations of feudally governed countries, and like one of its own dignified old barons, caring little for industry, commerce, and civilisation, but sweeping in lonely grandeur between robber castles of former days, modern fortifications, decaying towns, military and customhouse sentinels and functionaries, and beneath vinedotted hills, around which the labouring man toils, and climbs, and lives as he did a thousand years ago, without improvement, or advance of any importance in his social condition. Is this the Rhine, the ancient Rhine, the Rhine that boasts of commerce, literature, science, law, government, religion, having all sprung up in modern times upon its banks

dozen steamers carrying idle lady and gentlemen passengers up and down to view the scenery, and a solitary barge here and there creeping along its sides? Truly the American rivers, under the democratical American governments and social system, have shot ahead, in half a century, of this European river under the aristocratical European governments and social system, although the European has had the start of the American streams by fifteen hundred or two thousand years. When Prince Metternich sits in his window-seat in his castle of Johannisberg, reading in some book of travels about the Ohio, or Mississippi, or Hudson, all teeming with the activity and civilising industry of free, unrestricted men, what may be his thoughts when he lifts his eyes from the book, and looks down upon the Rhine? It is here that the American traveller may be allowed to prose, at long, and at large, upon his favourite topic the superiority of American institutions and government. He may begin his glorifications at Cologne, and end them at Basle, without interruption.

The two small populations at the two extremities of the Rhine, far apart from and unconnected with each other, and in all physical circumstances of country, soil, climate, means of subsistence, and objects of industry, as distinct and different as two groups of human beings well can be, are yet morally and nationally very like to each other. The same spirit in their social economy, and a similar struggle to attain and preserve independence, and free political arrangements in their countries, have produced a striking similarity of character in the two populations. The Swiss are the Dutchmen of the mountains. They are the same cold unimaginative, money-seeking, yet vigorous, determined, energetic people as the Dutch of the mouths of the Rhine. In private household life the same order and cleanliness, attention to small things, plodding, persevering industry, and addiction to gain, predominate in the character of both, and as citizens, the same reverence for law, and common sense, the same zeal for public good,

the same intense love of country, and, hidden under a phlegmatic exterior, the same capability of great energy and sacrifices for it. The Swiss, being less wealthy, but far more generally above want and pauperism than the Dutch, retain, perhaps, more of the virtues connected with patriotism; and their two-and-twenty distinct governments, all more or less liberal in form, and the necessity of watchfulness and energy in their united general government, keep alive in every man a spirit of devotedness to his country, which the traveller looks for in vain among the peasantry of the monarchical states which allow no free action or participation in public interests to their subjects. The Swiss cantons bicker and quarrel among themselves as the American United States do; but, like the dogs in a snow-traîneau, they get on together not the less rapidly for their barking and biting — and a common object in view silences all differences. Some political observers conceive that this republican bundle of two-and-twenty distinct states, different in laws, religion, and language, and placed between three monarchies jealous of the prosperity, and especially of the example of such free institutions, has but a very precarious lease of existence, in its present independent federal constitution. This is a mistaken. view. The best and surest defence of a country consists in its power of aggression. Switzerland has eminently this aggressive power-could throw a ball of fire from the Alps into the plains of Italy, which would kindle a flame that Austria or Sardinia could not quench; and with the south of France in no cordial subjection. to the reigning branch of the Bourbon family, has a powerful moral aggressive force on that side also. Her population, too, is one of military habits, united in sentiment for the independence of the country, accustomed to the use of arms, and the country strong in its ruggedness for its local defence by the inhabitants. Switzerland is in reality a heavier power in the European balance than some of the little kingdoms, such as

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