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When near Dranesville, he was attacked by the enemy under Gen. J. E. B. Stuart with a force of 2,500 to 3,000 men. The fight began at one o'clock, and lasted only an hour, the victory being entirely on Ord's side.

combinations" than he otherwise could The advance was attended with excellent have undertaken. He addressed letters results. A body of some 3,000 insurg. of instruction to Gen. Burnside in North ents laid down their arms and disCarolina, to Gen. Halleck in Missouri, banded; and, in March, 1862, a repreto Gen. Buell in Kentucky, to Gen. T. sentative was chosen and sent to ConW. Sherman in South Carolina, and to gress. Gen. Butler, who was placed in com- Early on the morning of Dec. 20th, mand of the land forces to operate Gen. Ord was sent by Gen. McCall against New Orleans. McClellan's in- from Camp Pierrepont, on the Potomac, tention was, that the several undertak- towards Dranesville, to capture, if posings against the enemy "should be car-sible, the rebel force there, and collect ried out simultaneously, or nearly so, forage. Between 4,000 and 5,000 men and in co-operation along the whole were placed under his command. line;" but, various circumstances interfered, and his plan was modified and virtually given up. The coming into office of a new secretary of war, Mr. Stanton, had a marked effect upon our military operations from this date; and Gen. McClellan soon found that he had McCall did not deem it prudent to a different officer from Mr. Cameron to pursue the enemy, but brought back deal with, and one disposed to yield to with him to camp sixteen loads of hay the popular call for more active, speedy, and twenty-two of corn. Although the forward movements. victory was of no special moment, it On the 13th of November, Gen. Dix came acceptably at the time, there still ordered 4,000 troops under Gen. Lock-being great soreness in the public mind wood, to march from Baltimore into as to Ball's Bluff, and the unaccountAccomac and Northampton Counties, able—as it seemed to outsiders-delays Virginia, and occupy them. This part in the Army of the Potomac making of the state, forming the "eastern shore," any forward movement. as it is called, is east of Chesapeake Bay and joins Maryland. By a proclamation Gen. Dix assured the people that the rights of persons and property would be respected, and "the condition of any person held to domestic servitude" was not to be interfered with.*

It is curious to note how slowly people learned to call a spade a spade. It took years before the awkward periphrasis or euphemism of the Constitution, about "persons held to service or labor" was abandoned, and negro slaves were designated by their true name, negro slaves.

Gen. McClellan, professing his earnest desire to move against the enemy in Virginia, still both showed by his action, and gave it as his mature judg ment, that the army was not sufficiently numerous, nor in the proper state of readiness to advance at the beginning

* McClellan advised, in August, sending armed ves sels to hinder the rebels from constructing batteries along the Potomac. In September, Gen. Barnard made a reconnaissance of the rebel batteries as far as Matthias Point. He reported adversely to the plan of attempting to carry these batteries by assault.

CH VII]

REBEL CONGRESS AT RICHMOND.

99

of December. He preferred to wait The Confederate Congress, according till the winter was passed. Mr. Stan- to adjournment (see p. 56), met at ton, the secretary of war, at an early Richmond, Nov. 18th. Members were date urged upon McClellan to take im- present from six of the seceded states, mediate steps to secure the reopening sufficient to form a quorum, and the of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, next day Jefferson Davis sent 1861. and to free the banks of the lower in his message. It was a docuPotomac from the enemy's works, which ment prepared with care, and evidently seriously annoyed passing vessels. The intended to produce effect abroad people generally, not fathoming the causes or reasons for matters relating to the Army of the Potomac, which, according to McClellan, required "minds accustomed to reason upon military operations," were eager for some forward movement, or something which looked like it at least; and it was hard to persuade them that time was not wasted, and opportunity let to slip by without profit.

quite as much as at home; its tone
was very confident, and its presentation
and treatment of various topics skilful
and shrewd, even for Davis.
"We are
gradually becoming independent of the
rest of the world for the supply of
such military stores and munitions as
are indispensable for war," was one of
his statements. Further, he said, “a
succession of glorious victories at
Bethel, Bull Run, Manassas, Spring-
field, Lexington, Leesburg, and Bel-
mont, has checked the wicked invasion
which greed of gain and the unhallowed
lust of power brought upon our soil."
The state of the finances was pronoun-
ced good; some smart remarks were
made upon the Trent affair, evidently
in the hope that England would go to
war about it; and a sort of loftiness
was assumed on the subject of the re

Complaints having been made that various rebels had recovered their fugitive slaves at Washington, through the connivance, it was supposed, of officers of the army, the secretary of state, on the 4th of December, addressed to Gen. McClellan an order, calling his attention to this subject, and stating that: "By the fourth section of the act of Congress, approved August 6th, 1861, entitled an act to confiscate pro- cognition of the rebel states, as much perty used for insurrectionary purposes, such hostile employment (in the rebel army) is made a full and sufficient answer to any further claim to service or labor. Persons thus employed and escaping are received into the military protection of the United States, and their arrest as fugitives from labor or service, should be immediately followed by the military arrest of the parties making the seizure."

as to say, if foreign nations can do without us, we can get along very well without them. Davis also indulged in some spiteful words, scorning any idea of ever again having aught to do with the people of the loyal states; e. g., "our people now look with contemptuous astonishment on those with whom they have been so recently associated. They shrink with aversion from the bare idea of renewing such a connec

196768

tion. When they see a president making war without the assent of Congress; when they behold judges threatened because they maintain the writ of habeas corpus, so sacred to freemen; when they see justice and law trampled under the armed heel of military authority, and upright men and innocent women dragged to distant dungeons upon the mere edict of a despot; when they find all this tolerated and applauded by a people who had been in the full enjoyment of freedom but a few months ago, they believe that there must be some radical incompatibility between such a people and themselves. With such a people we may be content to live at peace, but the separation is final, and for the independence we have asserted we will accept no alternative."*

The proceedings of the rebel congress were of no great interest or importance. The evident impression was, that the loyal states were resolved upon breaking down the confederacy, and were making preparations accordingly; still, so far as words went, and

There were also some paragraphs expressing Davis's astonishment and horror at what he called the savage barbarism with which the government of the Union was trying to suppress the rebellion. The words are not worth quoting; Davis probably, if not certainly, knew them to be false; if he believed them himself he was more ignorant than anybody ever supposed. It is not meant to be asserted that instances-alas, too many-of acts of cruelty and inhumanity cannot be produced, war not being at any time the condition in

perhaps so perhaps so far as their convictions reached, the rebel leaders held, that they were abundantly able to maintain the ground they had taken. Kentucky and Missouri, by a piece of foolish assumption, were voted into their ranks. A resolution was adopted refusing to make any advance to planters or purchase their produce, surprise being expressed that such application should be made. About $60,000,000 were appropriated for the army, and $4,000,000 for the rebel navy. One significant feature was noted at the time, and was held up to public indignation in the loyal states, viz., that most of the proceedings of the rebel congress were conducted in secret sessions; which was certainly a curious commentary on their pretensions to superior liberty as representatives of a free people.

The Provisional Confederate Congress continued in session during the winter, and reached its end, Feb. 17th, 1862. It was immediately succeeded by the "permanent" congress, which began its session on the next day.

which the virtues of justice, moderation and gentleness especially flourish; but it is affirmed, and the history of the war proves it, that no one but a slanderer and falsifier of the truth can charge, as Davis and company do, the government and officers of our army and navy with intentional, systematic violations of the laws of humanity and right. On the contrary, they strove to mitigate the horrors and excesses of war in every way that was in their power.

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Thirty-seventh Congress, second session -President's message- Character of its contents Extracts relating to finances, judiciary, colonization scheme, etc.-Notices of army and navy operations-Reports of the secre taries - Secretary of war's views Secretary of the navy's views-Secretary of the treasury's statements — National debt-Questions in Congress for discussion — Subject of slavery and what to do with the negroes- Difficult to agree upon Course pursued in the House - Warm debates had, various acts passed,

etc.

- In the Senate, motion made to appoint commissioners to settle difficulties with the Confederate States -Laid on the table-Bill for confiscating the property of rebels and giving freedom to their slavesOther action in the Senate - Review of the state and condition of affairs at the close of 1861- Feelings and views of the people in the loyal states-Successes of the army and navy cheering— Army improving under McClellan-The drawback in McClellan's case - Estimate of numbers of rebels in the field-Pro

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bably exaggerated-"All quiet on the Potomac" - Question as to exchange of prisoners, perplexing — Left to the generals and officers - Steps taken No settlement - Foreign policy of the United States — Situation of the rebels-Causes of inactivity, according to Pollard, and abuses in administration, etc. — Sum of the review as a whole.

1861.

ON Monday, the 2d of December, the Thirty-seventh Congress met for its second session. Senators and representatives from twenty-five states were present, and the national legislature entered at once upon its important duties. The next day, President Lincoln sent in his message, in which he laid before Congress a clear, carefully prepared review of the position of the government and the progress of the war. "In the midst of unprecedented political troubles," were the opening words, "we have cause of great gratitude to God for unusual good health, and most abundant harvests." The president then, in a few brief paragraphs, touched upon our foreign relations, and upon the efforts of the rebels to induce other nations to

side with them against the Union. In the belief, however, that foreign nations would be clear sighted enough to per ceive where their true interests lie, he gave it as his conviction, "that we have practised prudence and liberality towards foreign powers, averting causes of irritation, and with firmness maintaining our own rights and honor." At the same time, the president recommended that ample measures be adopted for maintaining the public defences on every side, the great lakes and rivers as well as the sea coast being included.

The financial condition of affairs was spoken of in encouraging terms: "The revenue from all sources, including loans for the financial year ending or the 30th June, 1861, was $86,835,900,

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The progress of the war was briefly noted, and due commendation bestowed upon our gallant navy and army. Not only Maryland, but Kentucky and Missouri had furnished 40,000 troops

and the expenditures for the same states; while the suggestion with which period, including payments on account it was coupled of remuneration by of the public debts, were $84,578,034. Congress for the slaves set free, paved For the first quarter of the financial the way for the plans of compensated year ending on the 30th September, emancipation afterward strongly urged 1861, the receipts from all sources, in- by the president. cluding the balance of July 1st, were $102,532,509, and the expenses $98,239,723. It is gratifying to know that the expenditures made necessary by the rebellion are not beyond the resources of the loyal people, in all, and were warmly and decidedly and to believe that the same patriotism in favor of supporting the govern which has thus far sustained the gov- ment; and the various successes, espeernment will continue to sustain it till cially of the navy, "demonstrated," in peace and union again bless the land." the opinion of the president, "that the Various matters connected with the cause of the Union was advancing judiciary and its arrangements, and steadily and certainly southward." other topics of domestic policy, were Gen. Scott's retirement was appropri referred to Congress; among them the ately noticed, and high expectations project of a military railroad connect- were founded on the appointment of ing the loyal regions of East Tennessee Gen. McClellan as his successor. The and Western North Carolina with proceedings of Davis and his coadjutors Kentucky and other parts of the Union. "The territories of Colorado, Dakotah, and Nevada, created by the last Congress, have been organized, and civil administration has been inaugurated therein under auspices especially gratifying, when it is considered that the leaven of treason was found existing in some of these new countries when the federal officers arrived there."

Reference was made to the confiscation act of the recent session of Congress, and was noticeable for its suggestion of a measure which became afterward a prominent subject of discussion-the furtherance of a system of colonization for the disposal of negroes liberated by the war or by concert with some of the slave-holding

were denounced as evidencing a liking for and a return to despotism; and it was ably argued that "labor is prior to, and independent of, capital;" consequently, the dignity and honor of labor against southern aristocracy and pride were to be understood and maintained. With words of gratulation in regard to the population and prospects of our country in general, the president closed his message as follows:-"The struggle of to-day is not altogether for to-day; it is for a vast future also. With a firm reliance on Providence, all the more firm and earnest, let us proceed in the great task which events have devolved upon us."

The reports of the several secretaries, referred to in the message, contained

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