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CH. XVII.]

THE CANVASS FOR THE PRESIDENCY.

503

posed to any measures which looked damage the chances of success of the toward the giving up the contest with democratic candidate. One of these was, the rebels, except by their being re- the discovery of an organized secret asduced to submission to the laws of the sociation in the western and northland; and, consequently, this division western states, controlled by prominent in the democratic ranks added virtually men among the democrats, whose object to the support of Mr. Lincoln. "The was, by its league of affiliated societies, political canvass was prosecuted with to overthrow, by revolution, the exist energy and confidence in every section ing administration, and render assistof the country. The main consideration ance, in every way possible, to the which was pressed upon the public interests of the rebellion. Judge Advo mind was, that the defeat of Mr. Lincoln would be, in the eyes of the rebels, an explicit disapproval of the general line of policy he had pursued, and a distinct repudiation by the people of the northern states of the Baltimore declaration, that the war should be prosecuted to the complete and final overthrow of the rebellion. This view of the case completely controlled the sentiment and action of the people, and left little room or disposition for wrangling over the many petty issues to which such a contest gives birth. As the canvass advanced, the confidence of success increased (on the part of Mr. Lincoln's friends), and received a still further impulse from the grand military victories which, in quick succession, began to crown the Union arms."* On both sides, the best talent was engaged, and speeches and addresses were made all through the country, in favor or against one or the other of the candidates. Various charges, of a more or less serious character, were made against the administration, in order to affect the majorities; and in Maryland election; but they did not produce the new free state constitution was much impression; while, on the other adopted. These clearly foreshadowed hand, events occurred which tended to the termination of the contest. On the * Raymond's "Life of Abraham Lincoln," p. 602. 8th of November, the presidential ele

cate-General Holt, in an official report, gave conclusive proof of the existence and intents of this association; a considerable part of the democratic press, however, rather sneered at the matter, as something got up for political effect. There were also threats of raids and invasions along the northern frontiers, by rebel agents and sympathizers, which led to active measures, on the part of the government, to protect our exposed line next to Canada; and rumors were freely circulated of a proposed revolution, especially in New York city, if Mr. Lincoln were re-elected, all danger of which was effectually put an end to by the sending a body of regulars from the Army of the James, under Gen. Butler, who took up their residence in New York for the purpose of precaution.

Happily, there was no need whatever of interference. The state elections, in September and October, in Vermont, Maine, Ohio, Indiana, and Pennsylvania, resulted in large republican

1864.

tion was held. There was no disturb ance or excitement; everything was conducted quietly and orderly; and, as was expected, it was decisive in its result. McClellan received the votes of three states, viz., New Jersey, Delaware and Kentucky; Mr. Lincoln received in his favor the votes of all the other loyal states, twenty-three in number. The total of McClellan's vote was, 1,797,019; the total of Lincoln's vote was, 2,203,831, showing a popular majority of 406,812.

Early in November, Jeff. Davis addressed a message to the rebel congress, then in session at Richmond. It was couched in the usual style, confidently anticipating success, and earnestly urg. ing all under his rule to activity and zeal in order to obtain it. Sherman's having obtained possession of Atlanta was made light of, and, as on former occasions, severe blows and losses were counted to be rather an advantage, or at least no material disadvantage. "If the campaign against Richmond," Davis went on to say, "had resulted in success instead of failure; if the valor of the army, under the leadership of its accomplished commander, had resisted in vain the overwhelming masses which were, on the contrary, decisively repulsed; if we had been compelled to evacuate Richmond as well as Atlanta, the Confederacy would have remained as erect and defiant as ever.* Nothing

* In an article in the Richmond Examiner, under date of February 27th, 1865, this extravagance of Davis was sharply criticised, and the folly and absurdity of attempting to maintain such ground as that set forth by the rebel chief abundantly manifested. Richmond, it was held, was absolutely essential to the life of the Confederacy," and as the writer forcibly said, "from

could have been changed in the purpose of its government, in the indomitable valor of its troops, or in the unquenchable spirit of its people. The baffled and disappointed foe would in vain have scanned the reports of your proceedings, at some new legislative seat, for any indication that progress had been made in his gigantic task of con quering a free people. The truth so patent to us must, ere long, be forced up. on the reluctant northern mind. There are no vital points on the preservation of which the continued existence of the Confederacy depends. There is no military success of the enemy which can ac complish its destruction. Not the fall of Richmond, nor Wilmington, nor Charleston, nor Savannah, nor Mobile, nor of all combined, can save the enemy from the constant and exhaustive drain of blood and treasure which must continue until he shall discover that no peace is attainable unless based on the recognition of our indefeasible rights."

Severe and bitter complaints were made by Davis respecting the conduct of European nations in not recognizing the "Confederacy;" at the same time he said, "we seek no favor, we wish no intervention, we know ourselves fully competent to maintain our rights and independence against the invaders of the country." In speaking of the finan cial condition of affairs it was stated, that the total amount of the public

the hour of giving up the seat of government, our cause would sink into a mere rebellion in the estima. tion of foreign powers, who would cease to accord to us the rights of belligerents; while the enemy would be free to treat our officers and soldiers as traitors and criminals; so that every 'rebel' would fight thence forth with a halter round his neck."

CH. XVII.]

JEFF. DAVIS AND REBELDOM.

debt, as exhibited on the books of the register of the treasury, on the 1st of October, 1864, was $1,147,970,208, of which $539,840,090 were funded debt, bearing interest; $283,880,150 were treasury notes of the new issue, and the remainder consisted of the former issue of treasury notes, about to be converted into other forms of debt. In this statement, it was added, "the foreign debt is omitted. It consists only of the unpaid balance of the loan known as the cotton loan. This balance is but £2, 200,000, and is adequately provided for by about 250,000 bales of cotton owned by the government, even if the cotton be rated as worth but sixpence per pound." The great depreciation of the treasury notes, or paper currency, was admitted, and attributed to two causes, "redundancy in amount, and want of confidence in ultimate redemption." To remedy this pressing difficulty, it was proposed, 1st, That the faith of the government be pledged that the notes shall ever remain exempt from taxation. 2d, That no issue shall be made beyond that which is already authorized by law. 3d, That a certain fixed portion of the annual receipts from taxation during the war, shall be set apart specially for the gradual extinction of the outstanding amount, until it shall have been reduced to $150,000,000; and 4th, The pledge and appropriation of such proportion of the tax in kind, and for such number of years after the return of peace, as shall be sufficient for the final redemption of the entire circulation."

Various other matters were discussed at length by the rebel president,

VOL. IV. 64.

505

among which was the question as to the policy of a general arming of the slaves to serve in the ranks. Neither Davis nor his Congress could bring their minds to the conviction that it was best to adopt this course, although it was advocated by some of the promi nent men engaged in the rebellion.

On the whole, despite the haughty words of Jeff. Davis, the condition of affairs, at the close of the year 1864, was gloomy enough for the rebels. They were groaning under a central military despotism. Conscription, which was carried to its extremest extent, was odious everywhere, and was everywhere evaded without scruple. Direct taxes were laid in defiance of the rebel theory of government. The vast floods of paper money had rendered it almost valueless. The holders of this paper money were compelled to fund it, or lose one-third. The government seized all the railroads, destroying some and building others. Property was impressed at government prices, and paid for in government money. The gov ernment monopolized the export trade of the cotton and great staples of the country. The habeas corpus was sus pended, and a passport system established. And, added to all these, the military reverses were numerous and severe; yet the traitors and conspirators against the Union, with whom it was a matter of life or death, held on in their evil course, and determined to persist in efforts to uphold a rebellion now drawing near its end.

The Thirty-eighth Congress commenced its second session on the 5th of December, 1864. The president's

*

1864.

message, which was sent in the next day, was of moderate length, and discussed the subjects requiring his attention, in a clear, straightforward manner.* The condition of our foreign relations was pronounced to be "reasonably satisfactory," as was evinced in a brief résumé. "It is possible," Mr. Lincoln said, "that if it were a new and open question, the maritime powers, with the lights they now enjoy, would not concede the privileges of a naval belligerent to the insurgents of the United States, destitute, as they are, and always have been, equally of ships of war and of ports and harbors. Disloyal emissaries have been neither less assiduous nor more successful during the last year than they were before that time in their efforts, under favor of that privilege, to embroil our country in foreign wars. The desire and determination of the governments of the maritime states to defeat that design are believed to be as sincere as, and cannot be more earnest than, our own. Nevertheless, unforeseen political difficulties have arisen, especially in Brazilian and British ports, and on the northern boundary of the United States, which have required, and are likely to continue to require,

* Several changes in the cabinet took place during the year. Mr. Chase resigned in June, and Mr. W. P. Fessenden was appointed secretary of the treasury. Mr. M. Blair resigned the postmaster-general's office in September, and Mr. W. Dennison was placed in the

vacant office. On the 1st of December, the attorney

general, Mr. Bates, resigned, and his post was after wards filled by James Speed, of Kentucky. We may

also put on record here, the death of Chief-justice Taney, which occurred on the 12th of October. This important position was filled, December 6th, by the ap

pointment of the late secretary of the treasury, Salmon P. Chase.

the practice of constant vigilance, and a just and conciliatory spirit on the part of the United States, as well as of the nations concerned and their governments."

pre

Affairs in the several departments of the treasury, the war, and the navy, were spoken of in encouraging and cheering terms, and various objects of philanthropy and justice were commended to the attention of Congress. In reference to the proposed amendment of the Constitution abolishing slavery forever, (p. 465) Mr. Lincoln expressed himself frankly: "At the last session of Congress a proposed amendment of the Constitution, abolishing slavery throughout the United States, passed the Senate, but failed for lack of the requisite two-thirds vote in the House of Representatives. Although the sent is the same Congress, and nearly the same members, and without questioning the wisdom or patriotism of those who stood in opposition, I venture to recommend the reconsideration and passage of the measure at the present session. Of course, the abstract question is not changed; but an intervening election shows, almost certainly, that the next Congress will pass the measure if this does not. Hence there is only a question of time as to when the proposed amendment will go to the states for their action; and as it is to go at all events, may we not agree that the sooner the better? It is not claimed that the election has imposed a duty on members to change their views or their votes, any further than, as an additional element to be considered, their judg ment may be affected by it. It is the

CH. XVII.]

DEPARTMENT REPORTS.

voice of the people now, for the first time, heard upon the question. In a great national crisis like ours, unanimity of action among those seeking a common end is very desirable, almost indispensable; and yet no approach to such unanimity is attainable, unless some deference shall be paid to the will of the majority. In this case the common end is the maintenance of the Union, and among the means to secure that end, such will, through the election, is most clearly declared in favor of such constitutional amendment."

Having shown, by some statistics, that the loyal states had more men for duty at this date than when the war began; that "the national resources were unexhausted and inexhaustible;" and that the war must be prosecuted to the complete demolition of the rebel power and pretension, he concluded his message with saying, that, while he should not retract or modify his emancipation proclamation, still, when the insurgents abandoned armed resistance, the war would end. "In stating a single condition of peace, I mean to say that the war will cease on the part of the government whenever it shall have ceased on the part of those who began it."

The reports accompanying the president's message gave full particulars in connection with the various departments of the government. Our limits do not admit of details, and we must refer the reader to the documents themselves. The whole debt of the nation

* The annual report of the secretary of war, deferred through the exigencies of the public service, was prcsented at the close of the session, in March, 1865. Its statement of the army material furnished within the preceding twelve months, exhibits the gigantic pro

507

at the beginning of the fiscal year in July, was stated to be $1,740,690,489 49, an increase during the year of over $618,000,000. The prospective debt on the 1st of July, 1865 was estimated at $2,223,064,677 51. The expendi ture for the war department was set down at about $963,000,000; for the navy, about $43,000,000; and for interest on the public debt, over $90,000,000. The secretary of the navy, in a long and elaborate presentation of the state and condition of the navy, reported a total of 671 vessels afloat or in process of construction, mounting 4,610 guns and registering 510,396 tons, being an actual addition to the navy, during the year, of 109 vessels and 313 guns. From this latter estimate, however, were to be deducted twenty-six vessels lost by shipwreck, in battle, capture, etc., during that period. Of this huge array of naval vessels, nearly one-fifth in number and more than onefourth in guns and tonnage, were screw steamers, especially constructed for the service; fifty-two were paddle-wheel steamers, and seventy-one iron-clad vessels of various descriptions. The total number of men in the service at this date was 6,000 officers and 45,000 men.* The action of Congress during this, its

ordnance supplies furnished to the military service during the fiscal year, included 1,441 pieces of ordnance, 1,896 artillery carriages and caissons, 455,910 small

portions which the war assumed at its height. The

arms, 502,044 sets of accoutrements and harness, 1,913,

753 projectiles for cannon, 7,624,685 pounds of bullets and lead, 464,549 rounds of artillery ammunition, 152,067 sets of horse equipments, 112,087,553 cartridges for small arms, 7,544,044 pounds of powder.

*For full and interesting details respecting the Army of the United States, amounting, at this date, to about 700,000 men, see Appleton's "American Annual Cyclopædia" for 1864, pp. 32–40.

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