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Brownlow, Nelson and others, Andrew Johnson stood prominently forward. The high position attained by this last, in consequence of the assassination of President Lincoln, in 1865, will justify a brief notice here of his life and career.
Andrew Johnson was born at Raleigh, N. C., in 1808. While very young he lost his father, and was deprived of all advantages of education. He was apprenticed to a tailor, and served out his full term, seven years. In 1826, he removed to Greenville, Tennessee, where he served in several local offices. Having, by the severest labor and determination, improved himself in every possible way, reading and studying at night, he was advanced still further in popular favor. In 1841, he went into the state senate; two years later, he entered Congress; was elected governor of Tennessee in 1853, and again in 1855; and in 1857, was chosen United States Senator for the long term, six years. Iu politics, Johnson ranked among the old Jacksonian democracy; and when the rebellion broke out, he took his stand firmly on the side of law and order.
Evidently, the sword was now fully drawn. The question at issue was to be settled, not by words, not by appeals on either hand, not by menaces or threatenings, not at all, in fact, but by the stern, fearful, last arbitrament, that of blood. They who loved their country, and its honor and integrity, had no alternative; they had but to accept the issue thrust upon them, or see the Union rent in pieces, and national prosperity swallowed up in the abyss. The leaders in *he southern conspiracy had
prepared themselves for this issue by many years' laborious efforts; they had forced it upon the loyal supporters of the Constitution and laws of the United States; they had driven up to the point of fury and hatred the larger portion of the people of the South, and had compelled them to face the inevitable result. And now it was to be tested, whether this great Republic was worthy of its name and place in the family of nations, or whether it was to be broken in pieces, and become a subject for scorn and contempt among the enemies of freedom throughout the worldSuch being the issue, and such, as all men now saw, being the only mode of settlement, it may be well here to note briefly the relative position of the parties concerned in this memorable conflict, and to seek to form a clear conception of the prospects of those who had ranged themselves on the side of law and order, and on the side of disunion and revolution.
As regards population, according to the census of 1860 (see vol. iii., p. 553), the free states and territories contained nineteen millions, the slave states something over twelve
millions. In addition to all the free states, which were for the Union, of course, Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri were ranked in the same connection; the population of the loyal over the seceding states was, consequently, rather more than two to one. In the arts of industry, in commerce, trade, manufactures, shipping, etc., the free states were largely superior. In these l espects, and in the universally recognized claim which all established governments have upon the fealty of their people, there can be no doubt that the loyal states stood, not only before the world, but in fact, in the position best calculated to command sympathy and enforce the requirements of the supreme law of the land. But, while all this was true, and no less important than true, it must be borne in mind, that the so-called " Confederacy" had several very decided advantages over the Union and its defenders.
The people of the South, principally owing to the fact of their being slaveholders, were not only bred up in aristocratic notions of superiority, and in contemptuous disregard for labor and its adjuncts, but were trained from boyhood in the use of fire-arms, and in various kinds of exercises fitting them for military life and its excitements. In the war of 1812, and in that with Mexico, the South furnished nearly twice as many soldiers as the North. So long as the system of slavery prevailed, and the class of laborers was such as rendered it degrading, in their eyes, for a white man to work, the masters were of course at liberty to devote themselves to the fascinating employments of hunting, racing, contests of skill, and the like; and "the chivalry " of the South was rarely deficient in zeal and spirit where its peculiar qualifications had room for display. At the North, on the other hand, the great mass of the population were engaged in the peaceful avocations of life, and had no time, even if they had the inclination, to devote attention
to those particular things in which southern men excelled. The citizen soldiers were excellent in their way but they were bred in time of peace, and never expected to be employed otherwise than in the customary displays in time of peace.
To this must be added the fact of the vastly superior position of the " Confederacy" for self-defence, for direct communication with each and all its parts, and for facility of intercourse by means of railroads and telegraphs. The secessionists had long been preparing for the contest; they understood thoroughly the topography of the country; they had made their calculations with great shrewdness and ability; and, counting largely upon the sympathy and co-operation of many in the North as well as in the old world, they were ready to enter with all their heart and soul into the war for disunion and separation from those whom they professed to, and probably did, hate and despise. The North was wholly rm-prepared for war; the government had everything, almost, to learn; armies had to be created, in fact; and the vast distances between various points of attack, where to pierce the confederacy and break down its military power, increased immensely the difficulties in the way of Mr. Lincoln and his advisers. And further, believing, as the rebels did, that" cotton was king," they were so persuaded of its importance to the world, especially to England and France, that they expected the great powers of Europe to break up directly any blockade which might be attempted to be put in force by the
CONGRESS IN SESSION: BULL RUN DISASTER.
Thirty -seventh Congress, extra session — President Lincoln's message — Extracts from — General object of message — Concluding words — Reports from the secretaries as to the army, navy, and treasury — Spirit of Congress — Special points of interest — Debate on the army bill — Resolution of the House and Senate after Bull Run defeat — Bill for confiscating the property of the rebels — Enacting clause approving the presiden t's acts, proclamations, etc. — Adjournment of Congress — Confederate Congress — Davis's message — Its bitter tone — Various measures adopted —"Onto Richmond!"— Impatience of the people — Gen. Patterson and his course — Gen. McDowell in command of Army of the Potomac — Force under his command — March of the Grand Army from Washington — Tyler at Blackburn's Ford — Change of plan — Vexatious and fatal delays
— Extracts from McDowell's report, describing the battle of Bull Run — Jefferson Davis on the field — Num. bers of the troops engaged on both sides — Losses at Bull Run according to the Union and rebel accounts, Beauregard's and Johnson's reasons for not pursuing the routed army — Rebel outrages — Effect of the disaster at Bull Run — Depression and discouragement — Criticism on the battle — Mr. Greeley's statements
— Bitter but salutary lesson for the future.
review of matters connected with the outbreak of the rebellion, and a brief statement of the policy of the new administration, were given in clear precise terms.* Inasmuch, however, as the secessionists were determined to force upon the country the issue, "immediate dissolution or blood," he stated distinctly what, in his judgment, Congress ought to do. "It is now recommended that you give the legal means for making this contest a short and decisive one ; that you place at the control of the government, for the work, at least 400,000 men and $400,000,000. That number of men is about one tenth of those of proper ages within the regions where, apparently, all are willing to engage; and the sum is less than a twenty-third part of the money-value owned by the men who seem ready to devote the whole. A debt of $600,000,000 now, ia a less sum per head than was the debt of our Revolution when we came out of that struggle; and the money rvalue in the country now bears even a greater proportion to what it was then, than does the population. Surely each man has as strong a motive now, to
* In view of the objections made by Chief-justice Taney and others (see p. 29) on the subject of suspending habeas corpus, Mr. Lincoln briefly argued the legality of his course on the ground of pressing necessity: "The provision of the Constitution that ' the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended unless when, in case of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it,' is equivalent to a provision—is a provision—that such privilege may be suspended when, in case of rebellion or invasion, the public safety
docs require it The Constitution itself is
silent as to which, or who, is to exercise the power; and as the provision was plainly made for a dangerous emergency, it cannot be believed that the framers of the instrument intended that, in every case, the danger should run its course, until Congress could bo called together; the very assembling of which might be prevented, as was intended in this case, by the rebellion."
preserve our liberties, as each had then to establish them. A right result, at this time, will be worth more to the world than ten times the men and ten times the money. The evidence reaching us from the country leaves no doubt that the material for the work is abundant; and that it needs only the hand of legislation to give it legal sanction, and the hand of the executive to give it practical shape and efficiency."
The latter part of the message was devoted to arguing again the question of secession and rebellion, and the president, in characteristic terms, denounced the folly and wickedness ot those who, for thirty years, had been drugging the public mind with the sophism, "that any state of the Union may, consistently with the National Constitution, and therefore lawfully and peaceably, withdraw from the Union, without the consent of the Union or of any other state." "The j states," as he justly said, "have their status In the Union, and they have no other legal status. If they break from this, they can only do so against law and by revolution. The Union, and not themselves separately, procured their independence and their liberty. By conquest, or purchase, the Union gave each of them whatever of independence and liberty it has. The Union is older than any of the states, j and, in fact, it created them as states. Originally some dependent colonies I made the Union, and, in turn, the Union threw off their old dependence for them, and made them states such as they are. Not one of them ever had a state constitution independent of the