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policy. There was another affair, which in furthering such notions. Davis, in occurred during the summer, and which his usual set phrase, kept crying aloud gave the opponents of the government that all he and the rebels wanted was, a capital opening to cast reproach upon to be let alone, and to have peace. it, and prophesy ruin and disgrace The declaration was repeated, over and should it continue to rule the country. over, in varied form, that they were We refer to the Niagara Falls confer- never guilty of bringing on war, they ence, and its history and results.* were not the aggressors, they wished for and loved peace-if the barbarian invaders of the North would only let them have it!

Naturally enough, at this date, a very strong desire found place in the public mind for peace, and with many, "peace on any terms." The great length and the intense severity of the struggle had begun to tell, even upon those who were warm and hearty supporters of the administration, and it required all the nerve and strength of principle of loyal people everywhere, to bear up under the disheartening results thus far, as it seemed, of the prosecution of the war. The notion found more or less ready acceptance, at least it was persistently urged, that the rebellion could never be effectually crushed, as was the purpose of the government, that ere long our resources would be exhausted, and that, as terms of some kind would have to be made with Jeff. Davis and his co-workers, the sooner negotiations were entered upon the better. Rebel emissaries were well aware of all this, and actively engaged

* A similar effort to negotiate as to peace was made by two persons, J. F. Jacques, a colonel in the United States Army, and J. R. Gilmore, who obtained passage through our lines and visited Jeff. Davis at Richmond. They appear to have had a long conversation with the arch-rebel, but, as might be supposed, they were un

Under the influence of this longing desire for peace, if it could only be brought about, Horace Greeley, editor of the New York Tribune, and a prom inent member of the republican party, put himself in communication with cer tain rebel agents in Canada, viz., C. C. Clay, J. B. Holcombe, and G. N. Sanders, who professed to have powers from Davis and the rebel government to enter into negotiations looking towards peace. Under date of July 7th, Greeley wrote to the president a very earnest letter on the subject, and asked him to give heed to the matter. He reminded the president "that our bleeding, bankrupt, almost dying country longs for peace-shudders at the prospect of fresh conscriptions, of further wholesale devastations, and of new rivers of human blood; and a wide-spread conviction that the government and its prominent supporters are not anxious for peace, and do not improve proffered opportu tunities to achieve it, is doing great harm now, and is morally certain, un

able to convince him that the way to obtain peace was less removed, to do greater in the ap

for him to lay down arms and submit to the law of the land. The visit of Messrs. Jacques and Gilmore resulted in nothing of any value. See Pollard's bitter remarks on "these two obscure Yankees, who were

treated with silly distinction in Richmond.”—“ Last Year of the War," pp. 66, 67.

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CH. XII.]

ATTEMPTED PEACE NEGOTIATIONS.

461

the rebel authorities and people would never submit, and that they would have peace on their own terms or not at all. Thus, Horace Greeley's well meant, as we think, but not very judicious effort, produced no good result, and Mr. Lincoln and his course were bitterly de

Mr. Lincoln, on the 9th of July, replied, that "any person any where professing to have any proposition of Jeff. Davis, in writing, for peace, embracing the restoration of the Union and abandonment of slavery," should have safe conduct to meet the president, and return also in safety. A number of let-nounced in consequence. "The effect ters passed to and fro. Greeley thought of this attempt at negotiation, upon the that duly empowered commissioners public mind," says H. J. Raymond, were ready to proceed to Washington "was, for the moment, unfavorable to for a conference, which, however, turn- the Union cause. The people, resed out to be quite a mistake. The rebel agents were only "in the confidential employment of Davis, and entirely familiar with his wishes," etc. This changed the position of matters considerably, and Mr. Lincoln thereupon sent further instructions, by his private secretary, under date of July 18th, headed "To whom it may concern," as follows:-"Any proposition which embraces the restoration of peace, the integrity of the whole Union, and the abandonment of slavery, and which comes by and with an authority that can control the armies now at war against the United States, will be received and considered by the executive government of the United States, and will be met by liberal terms on substantial and collateral points, and the bearer or bearers thereof shall have safe conduct both ways." The rebel agents took great offence at this; it, they said, "provoked as much their indignation as their surprise;" and regretting, with Greeley, "the sad termination of the initiatory steps taken for peace," in consequence, as they alleged, of the president's change of views and bad faith, they haughtily reasserted, that

ponding heartily to the demand of the Baltimore platform, that no peace should be accepted by the government on any terms short of an unconditional surrender, were distrustful of negotiations which might look to some other issues. The charge of bad faith urged against the president stimulated the opposition, and, in the absence of facts, embarras sed his supporters; while the fact, that Mr. Lincoln insisted upon the abandonment of slavery as one of the conditions of peace, was cited by the opponents of his administration as proof that the object of the war was changed, and that it was to be waged hereafter, not solely for the preservation of the Union, but for the emancipation of the slaves. In the absence of any opposing candidate, these and countless other charges were urged against the administration with marked effect, and added very materi ally to the popular despondency which the lack of military success had naturally engendered." *

*

Raymond's "Life of Abraham Lincoln," p. 590.

Mr. R. gives all the letters, documents, etc. (pp. 571590), in connection with this matter; and, after a reharm which was done by him, affirms, that "it is due to justice, as well as to Mr. Lincoln, that impressions so

view of Mr. Greeley's course and conduct, and the

The democratic party, which had de- of failure to restore the Union by the layed its convention to the end of the experiment of war, during which, under month of August, was encouraged by the pretence of a military necessity, or the existing condition of politi-war power higher than the Constitution, the Constitution itself has been disre garded in every part, and public liberty and private right alike trodden down, and the material prosperity of the country essentially impaired, justice, humanity, liberty, and the public welfare, demand that immediate efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities, with a view to an ultimate convention of all the states, or other peaceable means, to the end that, at the earliest practicable moment, peace may be restored on the basis of the Federal Union of the states." The other resolutions were strongly condemnatory of the government, on the ground of its military interference with elections, its arbitrary arrests, suppres sion of freedom of speech and of the press, denial of the right of asylum, shameful disregard of duty in respect to those who were prisoners among the rebels, etc. The final resolution extended "the sympathy of the democratic party to the soldiers of our army and the seamen of our navy," and promised that, in case this party came into power, they should "receive all the care, protection, and regard that the brave soldiers and sailors of the Republic have so nobly earned."

1864 cal and other affairs, to go for ward and secure the present favorable opening for making its nomination for the presidency. The National Democratic convention met at Chicago, on the 29th of August, and was organized by placing Gov. Seymour, of New York, in the chair. His opening speech was strongly denunciatory of the government, and called imperatively for a change. "The democratic party," he said, “will restore the Union, because it longs for its restoration; it will bring peace, because it loves peace; it will bring back liberty to our land, because it loves liberty; it will put down despotism, because it hates the ignoble tyranny which now degrades the American people. This administration cannot now restore the Union if it would. It has, by its proclamations, by vindictive legislation, and by displays of hate and passion, placed obstacles in its own pathway which it cannot overcome. It has hampered its own freedom of action by unconstitutional ties."

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The platform of the convention was contained in a number of resolutions, which were adopted. The second of these set forth the spirit and object of the democratic party, as follows:"Resolved, That this convention does explicitly declare, as the sense of the American people, that after four years

injurious and so false should no longer prevail." See

also, Appleton's "American Annual Cyclopædia," for 1861, pp. 780-783.

Gen. G. B. McClellan was nominated for president, and G. H. Pendleton for vice-president, and the party expected ! to be able to carry the election in their favor. McClellan, in his letter accepting the nomination, gave expression to sentiments in respect to the war, etc., which were far from agreeable to men

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of the Vallandingham type and the former rights under the Constitution, ultra peace democrats; yet, as he was the most available candidate they could secure, they determined to push forward the canvass with the utmost vigor and skill,—with what success we shall see by and by.*

In a previous chapter, (see p. 388) we have given an abstract of the opening proceedings and the general tone and tendency of the action of Congress. The session was a long one, reaching into July, 1864, at a period of the deepest interest and importance in the history of the war. The opponents of the administration were diligent in striving to ward off the penalties of confiscation, and to impede and defeat the various anti-slavery measures, which were steadily gaining ground in public estimation, as our armies moved onward in the work of suppressing the rebellion. Several resolutions, offered at different times, in the nature of overtures of peace negotiations" with the rebel authorities at Richmond, were promptly laid on the table by a decided and decisive vote. Though much time was spent in discussion over the preservation, to the states in rebellion, of their

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“The action of this convention was eminently

cheering to the friends of the administration. It was

more open and honest than they had anticipated; it avowed sentiments which, though entertained, it was

feared would be concealed. The whole tone of the convention had been in opposition to the popular feel

ing on the war. The ultra peace men had been prominent in its deliberations. Vallandingham, Harris,

Long, Pendleton, men who had done their utmost to

help on the rebellion and hamper the government, had

and the policy of arming and freeing the negro population, yet in the end the result was substantially the same. The government was sustained in its various measures for pushing forward the war, and adequate means were provided for carrying out these measures in the field.* Relying upon the sup port and confidence of the national leg. islature, and of the people of the loyal states, there was a disposition, on the part of the government, to relax a portion of its severity against those who opposed and vilified its action and purpose; and it was deemed not only safe, but every way proper, to allow large and comparatively full liberty to such as desired to express sentiments, and even indulge in action, hostile to the principles and policy of Mr. Lincoln and his supporters. The men who advocated loudly and persistently "peaceat-any-price," were not disturbed in any efforts they chose to make in order to carry out their views; and when the notorious Vallandingham (p. 340) saw fit to venture upon a return to Ohio, and enter upon his former work of enmity to the administration and its course, he was tacitly permitted by the authorities at Washington to pursue the path which pleased him best, without let or hindrance on their part.

The action of the preceding Congress had provided liberally for the prosecution of the war, leaving but little for the first session of the Thirty-eighth Congress to do, except to continue the

been its ruling spirits. The tone of its speeches had been in entire sympathy with the rebels, for whom no words of reproof were uttered, while they were unmeasured in their denunciation of Mr. Lincoln and his *For several resolutions adopted by Congress, and administration.”—Raymond's "Life of Abraham Lin-strongly in support of the government and its policy,

coln." p. 593

see pp. 393, 394.

1864.

course of action marked out, to amend its legislation, where necessary, etc. The additional measures entered upon were for securing increased revenues, granting new facilities for enlistments, and sanctioning the policy of the administration in regard to slavery. An ample appropriation bill, meeting the demands of the secretaries of war and the navy, was passed; new loans were authorized; a new tariff act largely increased the duties on imports, and an internal revenue law augmented licenses and taxes. Va rious special taxes were imposed on manufactures and articles of luxury, and the annual assessment on incomes was increased from three to five per cent. on returns between $600 and $5,000; from five to seven and a half per cent. on returns between $5,000 and $10,000, and to ten per cent. on all excess over the last sum. A special war tax of five per cent. in addition to the three per cent. already levied, was ordered on the incomes of the year 1863. This last item, it was subsequently calculated, would produce $35,000,000.

1864.

for one year, to fill such quota or any deficient portion of it. In case of such draft no payment of money was to be received as commutation for the service; but a substitute might be provided by the person drafted. Volunteers, under this act, were to receive government bounties of $100, $200, and $300, according to their term of service of one, two, or three years. Clergymen were not exempted, but conscientious and consistent members of religious de nominations, whose rules prohibit the bearing of arms were, according to the provisions of the act in February, when drafted, to be considered non-combatants, and assigned to hospital or other duty, or released on payment of $300. The distinction of classes, with respect to age and married and unmarried persons within the pe riod exposing to service, was abolished by the act of February. By the last mentioned act, all able bodied male persons of African descent, between the ages of twenty and forty-five, resident in the United States, whether citizens or not, were ordered to be enrolled. If A new enrollment act, approved July a slave of a loyal raster was thus draft4th, 1864, supplementary to an amended, the bounty of $100 was to be paid ed enrollment bill, passed in February, to the master; on the latter freeing the had placed the whole population of the country, between the ages of twenty and forty-five, not physically or other wise disqualified from bearing arms, at the disposal of the president. He was authorized to call, at his discretion, for any number of volunteers for one, two, or three years, and in case the quotas assigned to the several districts were not forthcoming at the end of fifty days, he was directed then to order a draft

slave mustered into the service, he was to be awarded a sum not exceeding $300. The supplementary act made it lawful for the executive of any other state to send recruiting agents into any of the states declared to be in rebellion, except the states of Arkansas, Tennes see, and Louisiana, and to recruit volunteers to be credited to the state procuring such enlistment.

Various steps were taken with refer

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