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and if the rebel states were to fight at all, they found that they must rely on their own resources in the present emergency. Jefferson Davis, the astute politician and fit leader in a bad cause, was well aware of all this; and consequently, every effort was made to nerve the deluded people, who had been drawn into secession and rebellion, to enter with all their might into the contest. At Harper's Ferry, Manassas, Hampton, and Richmond, the rebels were strongly posted, and it was the plan of the leaders to make Virginia, as far as possible, the battle-ground on which to test the cause they had adopted, against the force of arms wielded by Union hands. Davis and his co-workers knew that, on every account, it was important as well as desirable for them and their so-called government to be in Virginia; and accordingly, they made arrangements to this effect as speedily as possible.
At the close of April, (see voL iii. p. 562,) the Confederate Congress met at Montgomery, Alabama, and Davis, in his address, made an elaborate apology for southern secession. It was prepared with undoubted ability and skill; but, like all papers of the kind, emanating from that source, it was based upon the necessary
States, wrote to Jefferson Davis, January 6th, I860, encouraging him and others in their fell designs, in language such as this: "Without discussing the question of right, of abstract power to secede, I have never believed that actual disruption of the Union can occur without blood; and if through the madness of northern abolitionism that dire calamity must come, the fighting will not be along Mason's and Dixon's line merely. It will be within our own borders, in our own streets, between the two classes of citizens to whom I have referred. Those who defy law and sacred constitutional obligations, will, if ever we reach the arbitrament of arms, find occupa'ion enough at home." VOL. IV.—5.
sophism of sovereign state rights and the secession of any state at pleasure, the Union being a mere rope of sand. The apology was intended for effect abroad quite as much as at home; and subsequent events showed that Davis had made his calculations to good purpose. On the 6th of May, the Montgomery Congress formally declared war on the United States, as a foreign power. An enlistment act was passed; an issue of $50^000,000 treasury notes was authorized; debtors were forbidden to pay their northern creditors, etc. By request, Davis appointed a fast day, and on the 21st of May, the congress adjourned, to meet July 20th, in Richmond, Virginia, which was henceforth to be the capital of the Confederate, States of America. Immediately Davis left Montgomery, and, on arriving at Richmond, on the 28th, was received with due honor and attention. Some of his words may be quoted here, as manifesting the spirit which actuated the head of the rebel organization. Speaking of the loyal population in the free states, he said: "They have allowed an ignorant usurper to trample upon all the prerogatives of citizenship, and to exercise powers never delegated to him; and,, it has been reserved to your own state, so lately one of the original thirteen, but now, thank God, fully separated from them, to become the theatre of a great central camp, from which will pour forth thousands of brave hearts to roll back the tide of this despotism. Apart from that gratification we may well feel at being separated from such a connection, is the pride that upon you devolves the task of maintaining and defending our new government."
DAVIS'S APOLOGY FOR REBELLION.
Beauregard reached Richmond a few days afterwards, to take command in Virginia. Before leaving Charleston, he gave expression to the disappointment and spite entertained at the South towards Gen. Scott, because the brave old hero held to his loyalty without wavering.* On t he 5th of June, Beauregard issued a proclamation, which, for its ridiculous bluster and foul-mouthed insinuations, was not surpassed by any of the southern rebels, military or otherwise. "A reckless and unprincipled tyrant has invaded your soil. Abraham Lincoln, regardless of all moral, legal, and constitutional restraints, has thrown his abolition hosts among you, who are murdering and imprisoning your citizens, confiscating and destroying your property, and committing other acts of violence and outrage, too shocking and revolting to humanity to be enumerated. All rules of civilized warfare are abandoned, and they proclaim by their acts, if not on their banners, that their war-cry is, 'Beauty and Booty /' All that is dear to man—your honor and that of your wives and daughters—your
* See Beauregard's letter to Gen. Martin, May 27th, 1861: "Whatever happens at first, we are certain to have triumph at last, even if we had for arms only pitchforks and flint-lock muskets; for every bushand hay-stack will become an ambush, and every barn a fortress. The history of nations proves that a gallant and free people, fighting for their independence and firesides, are invincible against even disciplined mercenaries at a few dollars per month. What, then, must be the result when its enemies are little more than an armed rabble, gathered together hastily on a false pretence and for an unholy purpose, with an octogenarian at its head? None but the demented can doubt the issue."
fortunes and your lives, are involved in this momentous contest." Witt this, and more such like stuff Beauregard entered upon his work in Virginia. Troops from every quarter were gathered together, and generals and other officers of various grades, who had forsworn themselves by deserting the flag of the United States, were busily engaged in fortifying various points, and in bringing the troops into as high a state of discipline and efficiency as was in their power.
The rebels saw no opportunity now of assaulting Washington, or carrying the war, as they had been led to hope, into the loyal states. Their main efforts were now directed to the sustaining and holding the positions already occupied, and to the repulsing the advances of the Union troops. Numerous skirmishes and collisions, of no great moment, occurred at several points in Virginia; and the gunboats began to prove their value at Sewall's Point, Acquis Creek, Matthias Point, etc. On the 1st of June, Lieutenant Tompkins with a company of cavalry, made a bold dash into Fairfax CourtHouse, and defeated a detachment of the enemy whom he found there. Two days later, a camp of some 1,500 secessionists at Philippi, Barbour Co., in Western Virginia, was assaulted by Union troops under Colonels Kelly and Dumont. A heavy storm interfer ed with their operations; Col. Kelh was dangerously wounded; but thi rebels were routed and ran away, leaving everything behind. A spirited advance of an Indiana regiment, under Colonel Wallace, was made on the 11th
of June, in a rapid march across Hampshire County; a body of secessionists at Romney was dispersed and compelled to retreat. On the 9 th of June, Gen. Patterson at Chambersburg, Penn., advanced towards Harpera Ferry with a considerable force; the result of which movement was, that on the 14th, the rebels abandoned that position, after having burned the railroad bridge over the Potomac, destroyed all the property they could, and torn up the track of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad for about twelve miles from the Ferry.
Gen. Butler, having in command, at Fortress Monroe, about 6,000 men, learned that the enemy had fortified themselves strongly at Big Bethel, some twelve miles from the fortress.* A secret expedition was thereupon prepared to drive them out. Late on the night of the 19th of June, boats conveyed troops, under Col. Duryea, across Hampton Creek, to take the advance. These reached Little Bethel, a few miles from Big Bethel, about four o'clock in the morning, and made prisoners of a picket guard of the enemy. Every thing promised success; but unhappily, the main body, consisting of two regiments, in the darkness of the night mis
* The facilities afforded to the rebels by slave labor in erecting fortifications, etc., brought up a novel and rather difficult question. At Hampton, when the whites fled, the negroes came into camp near Fortress Monroe. What was to be done with them? Gen. Butler could not think it right to send them back to their masters to work against the Union and its cause; 60, with great cleverness, he pronounced them contraband of tear. When a certain lawyer, named Mallory, sent for three fugitives,, the above was the answer he received; with the privilege, however, of coming in, and on taking the oath of allegiance, receiving back his slaves. The government sustained the action of Gen. Butler, whose letter to Gen. Scott, May 27th, is worth reading even at this day.
took each other for enemies, and fiied both musketry and cannon, killing two and wounding nineteen. The rebels received warning of the approaching expedition and profited by it; so that, when towards noon the assault was made by the Union troops, it proved unsuccessful, and the order was given to retreat. Major Winthrop and Lieut. Greble were killed, together with quite a large number of the troops, and the expedition turned out to be a failure.
On the 17th of June, Gen. Schenck, by order of Gen. McDowell, went on a reconnoitring expedition with the 1st Ohio regiment. The troops left Alexandria in the cars on the Leesburg Railroad, and soon after reached the little village of Vienna. Here a masked battery was opened upon them with fearful destructiveness; and although the Ohio men stood their ground .bravely, they were at last compelled to retire. Their loss was five killed, six wounded and seven missing; the enemy, it was reported, Buffered no loss whatever. At the same date, June 16th, Gen. Thomas crossed the Potomac at Williamsport, Maryland, but was ordered to recross on the 18th, which gave the rebels a fresh chance for destruction at Harper's Ferry. General Patterson, in command, crossed at Williamsport on July 2d; and it was estimated that at the close of the month of June, there were on and near the Potomac a hundred thousand troops, more or less ready for active service. The rebel force, as nearly as could be ascertained, was supposed to be, though it was not, equal to ours in number.
With such and such like evidences of the uprising and spirit of the people, there was good ground to hope that they would manfully sustain the Union and the integrity of the nation. Few, very few probably, appreciated at all fully, the vastness and feaifulness of the struggle now at hand; and it was not till many months had rolled by, that the loyal supporters of the government understood the greatness of the work imposed upon them, and the many and peculiar trials and hardships yet to be undergone by those who were determined to sustain the Constitution and laws of our country.
In concluding the present chapter, we may fitly make mention of the closing scenes of Senator Douglas's life and career. This distinguished statesman, though defeated in the presidential election, and though, as a democrat, far too obsequious to the South and its politicians, was nevertheless too good a patriot and too sincere a lover of the Union, not to give all his support to the new administration in its effort to put down secession and rebellion. Having left Washington, after the adjournment of Congress, he was frequently called on, on his way home, to address the people. On the 1st of May, at Chicago, he spoke freely and at large. A sentence or two will give evidence of the spirit of the man: "That the present danger is imminent, no man can conceal. If war must come—if the bayonet must be used to maintain the Constitution—I can say before God my conscience is clean. I have struggled long for a peaceful solution of the difficulty. I have not only tendered those states
what was theirs of right, but I have gone to the very extreme of magnanimity. The return we receive is war armies marched upon our capital, obstructions and dangers to our navigation, letters of marque to invite pirates to prey upon our commerce, a concerted movement to blot out the United States of America from the map of the globe.
. . . The conspiracy is now known. Armies have been raised; war is levied to accomplish it. There are only two sides to the question. Every man must be for the United States or against it. There can be no neutrals in this war—only patriot's or traitors."
On the 10th of May, being too unwell to leave his room, he dictated his last letter, reiterating his often expressed sentiments; in this letter he said: "My previous relations to them (Mr. Lincoln and his party) remain unchanged; but I trust the time will never come when I shall not be willing to make any needful sacrifice of personal feeling and party policy for the honor and integrity of my country. I know of no mode by which a loyal citizen may so well demonstrate his devotion to his country as by sustaining the Flag, the Constitution, and the Union, under all circumstances, and under every administration (regardless of party politics), against all assailants, at home and abroad."
Uttering such sentiments as these Stephen Arnold Douglas died, on the 3d of June, 1861, in the 49th year of his age. All political animosity ceased on his death, and the country generally mourned his loss in the existing crisis in its affairs.
Ch III.] ATTEMPT AT NEUTRALITY IN KENTUCKY. 37
POSITION OF AFFAIRS IN THE BORDER STATES.
Kentucky wishes to be neutral — Got. Magoffin's proclamation — Neutrality impossible — Magoffin's letter to the president — Reply — Legislature in session — Grant's course — Efforts of rebels — Anderson in command — Contests in Kentucky — Condition of Missouri — Governor Jackson — F. P. Blair — Capt. (General) Lyon's zeal — Breaks up Camp Jackson — General Harney's doings — Lyon in command — Gov. Jackson calls out 50,000 militia — Lyon at Jefferson City and Booneville — Western Virginia—Population, character, etc.—Secession denounced—Meeting at Clarksburg — Convention at Wheeling — Its action — Address of Governor Pierrepont — Meeting of the legislature — General McClellan's activity — Attacks rebels at Beverly, Laurel Hill, Rich Mountain — Surrender of Pegram — Death of Garnett — Eastern Tennessee — Feeling of the people—Position of this part of the state — Convention at Knoxville — Vote of Tennessee on secession — Convention at Greenville — Declaration of Grievances — Sufferings of the people in East Tennessee — Andrew Johnson — The appeal to the sword — Relative position of the loyal and seceding states in respect to population, claims of law and order, habits and education of the people, means of defence and offence, preparedness for war, importance of cotton to the world, foreign sympathy and aid, etc.
Turning our attention to the Southwest, we find matters of interest and importance transpiring in Kentucky and Missouri. We have spoken on a previous page (see p. 23) of Virginia and Tennessee, and the means resorted to by secessionists, not only to crush out Union sentiments, but to force those states into joining Davis and company. In Kentucky and Missouri similar efforts were made, and it was from no want of exertion on the part of the rebels that these states were saved from being dragged into the vortex of disunion. Kentucky, by advice of the governor and secession sympathizers, was asked to take the ground of neutrality between the loyal and insurrectionary states; a ground which, from the nature of the case, could never be maintained. Gov. Magoffin placed
the "State Guard," under Gen. S. B. Buckner's command. This person recruited all he could and dispatched them as soon as possible to join the rebel army; and when he had corrupted as many Kentuckians as he was able to reach, he followed them into the camp of treason, ready to imbrue his hands in the blood of those who loved and meant to uphold the Union. The government, on its part, was not prepared to give up its rights; and the Union men in Kentucky sought the aid of loyal troops to keep down secession plans and movements in their state. The legislature met, April 28th, and Gov. Magoffin, asserting that the Union was dissolved, called on the members of the legislature to summon a convention of the people, that process by which disunionists and traitors had