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and after enduring hardships of no light kind, from heat, exposure, want of food, and the like, took the cars at Annapolis Junction, and reached Washington on the 25th of April.

Anxious to secure peace while calling for aid, the president, by advice of Gen. Scott, favored the sending of troops by way of Annapolis, or around Baltimore, instead of forcing a way through that city. Gen. Butler was especially serviceable in this emergency, lie not only took post at Annapolis, but he held it. He secured to the government the noble old frigate Constitution, "Old Ironsides," and saw it safely conveyed away from danger. He was prepared to enforce the rights of those called by the president to go to Washington and defend the capital from invasion. Governor Hicks protested against his landing, or remaining in Annapolis; but the general was firm and decided. The legislature of Maryland met at Frederick, on the 27th of April, and the governor endeavored to assume and claim for the state a neutral position, helping, as he wished, neither side, but in effect cutting off the capital from the loyal states. On the 5th of May, General Butler advanced a portion of his command to the Relay House, about nine miles from Baltimore, and on the 14th, he entered the city, took possession of Federal Hill, and issued a straightforward proclamation, insisting upon the observance of law and order, and expressing the determination of the government to sustain all good citizens in their rights and privileges.

The v/ay through Baltimore was again open from the Noi ih, and troops

passed freely through the city. Union men were at liberty to express their sentiments without molestation, and to act in accordance therewith; and sedition, though not dead, was held in abeyance at least.* Governor Hicks, on the 14th of May, on the last day of the meeting of the legislature, issued a call for four regiments to serve for three months in Maryland or for the defence of Washington.f The saving of Maryland from the evil designs of those who would have hurried her into secessiou, was due, in measure, to the active and judicious movements of Gen. B. F. Butler,—a name, by the way, which acquired some considerable notoriety in the course of the great rebellion. Having been ordered to Fortress

* For some instructive details in regard to th» movements on the part of the police authorities in Baltimore and also of the legislature of Maryland, see MoPherson's "HUtory of the Rebellion," pp. 392-398.

f The Hon. Reverdy Johnson, one of the high-toned patriots of Maryland, in a speech at Frederick, May 7th, thus expressed himself: "What is there in the modern history of South Carolina which should recommend her teachings to Maryland 1 What is there in the intellects of the Rhetts, the Yanceys, the Cobbs, et id genu* omne, to make them our leaders? They did all they could to achieve the election of Mr. Lincoln, and hailed its accomplishment with undissembled delight. They thought they saw in it the realization of their long-cherished hopes—the precipitation of the cotton states into a revolution; and then fancied exemption from the worst of the perils—and they now seek to effect it—in the intervention of the other slave states between them and the danger. Short-sighted men ! they never anticipated the calamities already upon them, and the greater certain to follow. Besides relying on the fact just stated, they also counted securely on a large influential support in the free states. Little did they know the true patriotic heart of the land. . . . Where, in the past, the South could count its friends by thousands and hundreds of thousands, cot one is now to be found. The cry is, the government must be sustained; the flag must be vindicated. Heaven forbid that the duty of that vindication should be for' gotten by Maryland""

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Monroe, on the 22d of May, Gen. Butler resigned the charge of matters at Baltimore into the hands of Gen. Cadwalader. This officer acted with that prudence and conciliatory spirit deemed so important at the time; yet he was not lacking in firmness on an important question which came up for decision a few days after Gen. Butler left. This was the suspension of habeas corpus, or the prevalence of martial law. The president, taking the ground of necessity, had authorized Gen. Scott, April 27th, to suspend the writ above named any where between Philadelphia and Washington, which was extended, July 2d, to any where between New York and Washington. A wealthy Marylander, John Merry man, was arrested by military authority, on 25th of May, charged with treasonable practices, etc. Merry man applied to Chief-justice Taney for a writ of habeas coif us, to test the legality of the arrest. It was granted at once, and efforts made to enforce it against Gen. Cadwalader; but to no purpose. Taney then delivered his opinion adverse to the president's action, condemning him and it in no measured terms. Other authorities, quite equal to the chief-justice in weight of character and legal acumen, sustained the course which Mr. Lincoln had felt himself compelled to pursue, such as Prof. Parsons, Horace Binney, Attorney-general Bates, etc.; and the people generally acquiesced in the result, as inseparable from a state of war and insurrection.* General Banks, on the 10th of June,

* For the legal opinions referred to, see McPherson's "ITutory of the Rebellion." op. 155-102.

succeeded Gen. Cadwalader in command. On the 27th, he ordered the arrest of police marshal Kane, and broke up the Board of Police in Baltimore, on the ground of complicity and agreement with traitors. The two proclamations, which Gen. Banks issued, show clearly the basis and the necessity of his action in behalf of law and order. By these vigorous means Maryland was saved from the evil purposes of secession and rebellion, and retained her rightful place in the Union. Gen. Banks being called to supersede Patterson on the Potomac, Gen. Dix took his place in Maryland, at the close of the month of July.

The noble and manly spirit of the people, which was aroused by the outbreak of the rebellion, was manifested in all parts of the loyal states, but more especially in the large cities. A vast and imposing assemblage gathered at Union Square, New York, on the 20th of April, the glorious flag of our country waving in all directions, and the equestrian statue of Washington being in the midst. All party distinctions were ignored; they stood there as citizens of one common country. The meeting was addressed by prominent speakers from various regions. Gen. Dix, Colonel Baker, Professor Mitchel, and others (some thirty in all), poured forth eloquent words, adapted to the fearful exigency, and appealing to every heart to stand by and uphold the Constitution and laws of the United States. We cannot pretend to give even a summary of their words; one short extract must suffice from Prof. Mitch el's speech, whose language, though not noted at the time, was almost prophetic: "The rebels and the traitors in the South, we must set aside; they are not our friends. When they come to their senses we will receive them with open arms; but till that time, while they are trailing our glorious banner in the dust, when they scorn it, condemn it, curse it, and trample it under foot, then I must smite. In God's name I will smite, and as long as I have strength I will do it. 0, listen to me, listen to me! I know these men; I know their courage; I have been among them; I have been with them; I have been reared with them; they have courage; and do not you pretend to think they have not. I tell you what it is, it is no child's play you are entering upon. They will fight, and with a determination and a power which is irresistible. Make up your mind to it. Let every man put his life in his hand and say, 'There is the altar of my country; there I will sacrifice my life.' I for one will lay my life down. It is not mine any longer. Lead me to the conflict. Place me where I can do my duty. There I am ready to go, I care not where it leads me." Cn. II.]

But it was not in words merely, that the loyalty of the nation was manifested. Money as well as men were most liberally furnished. The subscriptions of individuals, corporations, banking institutions, towns, cities, and the legislatures of the northern and western states, freely offered for the purchase of arms, the raising and equipment of troops, and the support of the government, in a fortnight after the day of the attack upon Sumter, reached a sum estimated at over thirty millions of dol

lars. The appropriations of the states of Pennsylvania, New York and Ohio, reached the sum of three millions each, and others were quite as liberal in proportion to their wealth, if they did not in some instances exceed them. Connecticut contributed two millions, and Illinois the same; Indiana, Maine, New Jersey, Vermont, a million each; and the corporation of the city of New York an equal sum, which was speedily more than doubled by the subscriptions of the citizens. Cincinnati kept pace with New York, and the great West generally throughout its borders was as prodigal of its resources as the wealthy East. Patriotic women also took their share in the good work, and especially in providing articles of every kind for the wants of the soldiers, such as hospital stores, haversacks, delicacies for the sick, and the like. Many an one, too, though bred in luxury, gave her services in the good cause, quietly and unostentatiously, but none the less acceptably; and were the full record ever to be made up, it would show such acts of personal devotion on the part of our countrywomen as have never been surpassed.*

The month of May found the country actively engaged in preparations for the conflict of arms. Forces were mustering into service; officers were busy at recruiting stations; companies were forming; men were enlisting in favorite regiments; private contributions,as well as legislative loans

* On this subject may be consulted to* advantage "TnE Tribute Book, a Record of he Munificence, Self-sacrifice, and Patriotism of the American people during the war for the Union." By Frank B. Goodrich. New York, 1865, pp. 572.

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or grants, were freely supplied; and early in May, there were at least 100,000 men in active preparation for the field. The promptitude and enthusiasm of the people were ably seconded by the governors of the states, and it ms a truly noble and inspiriting spectacle to behold the heartiness and un(ielfishness of those who had resolved that the Union should never perish through their neglect or lack of devotion to its best interests.*

On the 3d of May, the president issued a proclamation, calling for troops, to serve for three years, unless sooner discharged. Forty-two thousand volunteers were thus called for, while the regular army was directed to be increased by the addition of eight regiments of infantry, one of cavalry, and one of artillery, making an aggregate of nearly 23,000 officers and men.

| Eighteen thousand seamen were, at the same time, ordered to be enlisted for the naval service of the United States. Having stated that these requisitions and acts would be submitted to Congress, as soon it assembled, the. presi

I dent said :—" In the meantime, I earnestly invoke the co-operation of all good citizens in the measures hereby adopted for the effectual suppression of unlawful violence, for the impartial enforcement of constitutional laws, and for the speediest possible restoration of peace

* The activity, zeal, and courage of the governors of '.he loyal stales, deserve especial mention. Not only in '.he older states, but in the great West, these qualities *ere nobly exemplified. In Indiana, for instance, Gov

j eraor Morton called for the troops apportioned to that •Sate by the president's proclamation. In less than eight days, more than 12,000 men, three times the number asked f )r, tendered their services in behalf of

i their country

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and order, and with those, of happiness and prosperity throughout our country."

It was not, however, in the loyal states alone that active and energetic measures were pursued. The southern leaders, who had long before marked out their course of proceedings, pushed forward operations in every direction. The work of public spoliation, which was begun at Charleston, Savannah and New Orleans, was also vigorously carried on in other regions of the country. Within a few days of the fall of Sumter, the steam transport Star of the West, loaded with provisions, sent for the relief of the United States troops in Texas, was treacherously seized at Indianola by a body of insurgents, under Colonel Van Dorn; the arsenals at Liberty in Missouri, Fayetteville in North Carolina, and Napoleon in Arkansas, with stores of arms and ammunition, were plundered by the rebels; Fort Smith, in Arkansas, was taken possession of by Colonel Solon Borland, the leader of a volunteer band of secessionists. In consequence of the various acts of robbery and violence in Virginia and North Carolina, defeating the exercise of the proper powers of the federal government, President Lincoln, on the 27th of April, by proclamation, extended the blockade of the southern coast to those states.*

As Washington was now considered

* On the 20th of May, the United States marshals, by order of the government, seized upon all the dispatches and communications in the leading telegraph offices in the North. This was done in order to discover secret confederate allies and sympathizers in the loyal states, and thus to defeat their plaus and puposes.

REBEL PLUNDERING AND SPOLIATION.

to be safe from any rebel attack, it was but natural that some active steps should be called for, in order to put an end to the insolent pretensions of secessionists and violators of the law. Arlington Heights might be, and probably would be, taken possession of by the rebels, if time were allowed them; and then, what roused the blood of many a patriotic citizen and soldier, there, just across the river, in full sight from the capital, the secession flag was displayed, as if in mockery of the majesty and dignity of that government which the father of his country gave his whole life to uphold. It was therefore resolved to make a forward movement into Virginia. This was accomplished on the night of the 23d of May, under the direction of Gen. Mansfield. The force which crossed the Potomac consisted of some 13,000 in all, and immediate possession was taken of Arlington Heights and of Alexandria. At this latter place, Colonel Ellsworth, with his noted New York Fire Zouaves, arrived by water, very early in the morning of the 24th of May. His first impulse was to destroy the railroad communication, and to seize upon the telegraph office, both of them measures of importance; but, as he was on his way to the office of the telegraph, he espied flying from the Marshall House, a second class hotel, a confederate flag. Although accompanied by only three or four persons, Ellsworth, with more enthusiasm than discretion, rushed into the house, mounted to the roof, cut down the flag, and having wrapped it round his body was coming down the stairs. The proprietor of the house, a

man by the name of Jackson, met him, and seeing what had been done, fired into his bosom. Ellsworth fell dead, and Jackson immediately after was killed by one of the zouaves in company. The funeral ceremonies in connection with Ellsworth's death were impressive and largely attended, both in Washington and New York. On the other hand, the southern press lauded Jackson's act as a noble deed, and worthy of perpetual memory.* At the North, Ellsworth was looked upon as having been assassinatedat the South, Jackson was called a hero and a martyr. However the incident may be viewed it certainly indicated at the time, that there was likely to be a terrible earnestness on both sides; that the contest was a real one which was now inaugurated; that the day of words had passed ; and that the hour for deeds had arrived.

The determination of the government to use such force as was at its command, in order to suppress the rebellion, caused no little alarm to the secession leaders; and notwithstanding much boasting on their part as to their superior prowess, it was felt that the North was now fully roused, and settled in its conviction in regard to the duty owed to our native land in this hour of trial. All the hopes and expectations based on the alliance and aid looked for from north era sources were futile and valueless,!

* See Duyckinck's " War for the Union," vol. i., pp. 195 to 202, for a full account of Ellsworth's death and the circumstances attending it. For the " fire-eating" statement, overflowing with furious words, see Pollard's *' First Year of the War," vol. i., pp. 72-76, and the " Charleston Mercury," of that date.

f Franklin Pierce, formerly president of the United

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