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Cu. XXV.] ENGLISH AND

contingent can be!" The London Times and other organs of public opinion in England reiterated similar views and expectations, affirming that ninety-nine Englishmen out of a hundred agreed with Mr. Gladstone's statement.

Mr. Adams, to whose vigilance was committed the care of our interests at the court of St. James, was deeply impressed with the general unfriendly feeling existing in England towards our country, in her efforts and determination to crush the rebellion; and under date of September 12th, wrote to that effect to the secretary of state. "The breaking out 'of the insurrection has brought to light the existence of national feelings in England towards the United States, the strength of which liad scarcely been suspected in America. As the struggle has gone on, the nature and extent of them have become so clear and unmistakable as to defy all disavowal. Having their root in the same apprehensions of the force of a foreign state which exist in the case of France, they take the same direction towards efforts to curtail, if not to neutralize, its energies. The popular sentiment of Great Britain, as now developed, should be a warning to the statesmen of America by which to regulate their action, at least for two generations. It dictates the necessity of union at home far more imperatively than even the wretchedness which now fills the country with grief from end to end"

It would be unfair, however, not to take note that more than one friendly voice made itself heard in England, in behalf if the United States. Men of

FRENCH OPINIONS. 2C»

the stamp of Richard Cobden, John Bright, and others, spoke plainly and forcibly of the *blly of intervention at the risk of war, and of the blindness of those who expected to see our country broken up by the existing rebellion. "It would be idle," said Mr. Cobden, Oct. 29th, "for England or France or both together to talk of intervention. The idea of employing force must be abandoned. The cause is utterly unmanageable by force; and six months of war would cost more than would maintain the entire manufacturing districts ten years." Mr. Bright also, in December, denouncing slavery and all its adjuncts in the severest terms, drew an eloquent picture of the future prospects of our country :—" I cannot believe that civilization in its journey with the sun will sink into endless night to gratify the ambition of the leaders in this revolt, who seek to' wade through slaughter to a throne, and shut the gates of mercy on mankind.' I have another and far brighter vision before my gaze. It may be but a vision, but I will cherish it. . . I see one people and one law and one language and one faith, and over all that wide continent the home of freedom and a refuge for the oppressed of every race."

The attempt of Louis Napoleon to interfere in our affairs, jointly with the English and Russian governments, deserves notice in this connection. This astute politician, who held the opinion that secession was an accomplished fact, and therefore deserved a recognition of its belligerent rights, was anxious to do something in aid of the commercial wants of France He supposed that he could help to bring the war to a closn, if the other great powers would join with him. Accordingly a diplomatic dispatch was addressed, under date of Oct. 30th, by M. Drouyn de l'Huys, French minister of foreign affairs, to the ministers of state of England and Russia, and the concurrence of those nations was solicited in an offer of mediation between the loyal states and the so-called "Confederate States of America." The idea was, to get the government at Washington and the rebel government to agree upon an armistice for six months or longer, and by means of commissioners from both sides to discuss the differences existing, and make arrangements for an amicable settlement of the same, on terms equally honorable and profitable to both par. ties. The French emperor, however, if he really supposed that any such plan as he suggested would be tolerated for a moment by the United States, did not know the people in whose affairs he wished to interfere. Russia and Eno-land likewise declined joining him in any such attempt. Early in November, they gave in their answer to M. de l'Huys' note, and expressed the sentiment that the time had not arrived as yet, in which it would be judicious or safe to propose intervention.

So the matter was dropped; until, at the beginning of the new year, 1863, a dispatch was sent to the French minister at Washington, offering, on Louis Napoleon's part, to do anything in his power which might tend towards the termination of the war. This offer was promptly and decisively declined; and, in an able dispatch from Mr. Seward,

under date of February 6th, 1863, the ground taken and held by the United States government was set forth in language which could not be misunderstood: "This government has not the least thought of relinquishing the trust which has been confided to it by the nation under the most solemn of all political sanctions; and if it had any such thought, it would still have abundant reason to know, that peace proposed at the cost of dissolution would be immediately, unreservedly, and indignantly rejected by the American people." * The effect of this dispatch was very marked, and it put an end to all further talk or offer of foreign intervention in any shape, or from any quarter. No nation wa;s willing to incur the risk of war with the Great Republic by undertaking to recognize the rebellion.

Such, in substance, was the condition of affairs at the close of 1862. There was much to hope for, and also not a little to apprehend. The people generally had made up their minds that the rebellion must and should be crushed, no matter what sacrifice might be demanded; and though discouragements of various kinds stood in the way, though a speedy return of peace was to be hoped and prayed for, rather than expected ; yet there was no shrinking from the contest, there was no hesi

* A few weeks later, Mr. Sumner introduced into the Senate n body of resolutions, deprecating', in the strongest terms, all foreign intervention in our affairs, and distinctly asserting the ability of the United States to qnell the rebellion and re-establish tho power of the government over the entire land. The resolutions were adopted, March 3rd, 1863, by a vote of 31 to 5 in the Senate, and of 103 to 28 in the House.—See Duyckinck's " War for the Union," VoL iii., pp. 100—103.

Un. XXV.j

tation as to where the path of duty lay, and as to the responsibilities resting on Americans in this great crisis in

271

our national life. The heart of the loyal people was sound and unshaken in the hour of trial.

EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION.

APPENDIX TO

I.—THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION.

"I, Arraham Lincoln, President of the United States of America, and Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation between the United States and each of the states, and the people thereof, in which that relation is, or may be, suspended or disturbed.

"That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress, to again recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to tho free acceptance or rejection of all slave states, so called, the people whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United States, and which states may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily adopt, the immediate or gradual , abolishment of slavery within their respective limits; and that the effort to colonize persons of African descent, with their consent, upon this continent .or elsewhere, with the previously obtained consent of the governments existing there, will be continued.

"That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixtythree, all persons held as slaves within any state, or any designated part of a state, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward and forever, free, and the executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.

"That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the states and parts of states, if any, in which the people thereof respectively shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any state, or the people thereof, shall on that day be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto, at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such state shall have participate!, shall, in the absence of strong counter

CHAPTER XXV.

vailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such state, and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.

"That attention is hereby called to an act of Con gress, entitled 'An Act to make an additional Article of War,' approved March 13th, 1862, and which act is in the words and figures following:—

"Be it enacted by (lie Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled: That hereafter the following shall be promulgated as an additional article of war, for the government of the army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and observed as such :—Section 1. All officers or persons in the military or naval service of the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under their respective commands for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or labor who may have escaped from any persons to whom such service or labor is claimed to be due; and any officer who shall be found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article, shall be dismissed from the service. Section 2. Andbeit further enacted: That this act shall take effect from and after its passage.

"Also, to the ninth and tenth sections of an act entitled 'An Act to Suppress Insurrection, to Punish Treason and Rebellion, to Seize and Confiscate Property of Rebels, and for other purposes;' approved July 16th, 1862, and which sections are in the words and figures following :—

"Section 9. And be it further enacted: That all slaves of persons who shall hereafter be engaged in rebellion against the government of the United States, or who shall in any way give aid or comfort thereto, escaping from such persons and taking refuge within the lines of the army; and all slaves captured from such persons, or deserted by them and coming under the control of the government of the United States; and all slaves of such persons found or being within any place occupied by rebel forces, and afterwards occupied by forces of the United States, shall be deemed captives of war, and shall be forever free of their servitude, and not again held as slaves. Section 10. And be it further enacted: That no slave escaping into any state, ten ritory, or the District of Columbia, from any other state, shall be delivered up, or in any way impeded or hindered of his liberty, except for crime or some offence against the laws, unless the person claiming said fugitive shall first make oath that the person to whom the labor or service of such fugitive is alleged to be clue is his lawful owner, and has not borne arms against the United States in the present rebellion, nor in any way given aid and comfort thereto; and no person engaged in the military and naval service of the United States shall, under any pretence whatever, assume to decide on the validity of the claim of any person to the service or labor of any other person, or surrender up any such person to the claimant, on pain of being dismissed from the service.

"And I do hereby enjoin upon and order all persons engaged in the military and naval service of the United States to observe, obey, and enforce, within their respective spheres of service, the act and sections above recited.

"And the Executive will in due time recommend that all citizens of the United States who shall have remained loyal thereto throughout the rebellion, shall (upon the restoration of the constitutional relation between the United States and their respective States and people, if the relation shall have been suspfnded or disturbed) be compensated for all losses 6y acts of the United States, including the loss of slaves.

"In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.

'•Done at the City of Washington, this twentysecond day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the Independence of the United States the eighty-seventh.

"abraham Lincoln."

II.—PRESIDENT'S PROCLAMATION,
JAN. 1st, 1863.

"Whereas, on the 22d day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a proclamation was issued by the president of the United States, containing, among other things, the follow.ijg, to wit: That on the first day of January, etc., (see paragraphs three and four of the Proclamation,p. 271) "Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by virtue of tho power in me vested as Commander-in-chief of the Army anc Navy of the United States, in time of actual armed rebellion against tht authority and

government of the United States, and as a fit and necessary war-measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on this first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-ahrec, and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days from the day first above-mentioned, order and designate as the States, and parts of States, wherein the people thereof, respectively, are this day in rebel ion against the United States, the following, to wit: Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, (except the Parishes of St. Bernard, Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, Assumption, Terre Bonne, Lafourche, Ste. Marie, St. Martin, and Orleans, including the City of New Orleans), Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, S. Carolina, N. Carolina, and Virginia, (except the forty-eight counties of West Virginia, and also the counties of Berkeley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Anne and Norfolk, including the cities of Nor folk and Portsmouth.) and which excepted parts are, for the present, left precisely as if this Proclamation were not issued.

"And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare that All Tersoss Held As Slaves within said designated States and parts of States, Are, And Hekcefouward Shall Be, Free; and that the Executive Government of the United States, including the Military and Naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons.

"And I do hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free, to abstain from all violence, unless in necessary self-defence; and I recommend to them that in all cases, when allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable wages.

"And I further declare and make known, that such persons, of suitable condition, will be received into the armed service of the United States, to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service.

"And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, wanted by the Constitution, upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Ah mighty God.

"In testimony whereof, 1 have hereunto set my name, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed

"Done at the City of Washington, this first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the Indepen dence of the United States the eighty-seventh.

"abraham Lincolx."

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CHAPTER XXVI.
1863.

OPENING OP THE TEAR: WEST VIRGINIA: HOOKER, AND CHANCELLORSVILLE.

Admission of new state, West Virginia —Wheeling convention, June, 1861 — Decision of Congress — Prospects of the new state — Position of affairs in the " Confederacy " — Rebel Congress — Davis's message — Anticipations, complaints, censure of the emancipation proclamation, etc.—Proceedings of rebel Congress—United States navy— Affair at Galveston — Loss of the Harriet Lane — The Alabama destroys the United States steamer Hatteras — Senator Harlan's resolution — President appoints a day of prayer and humiliation— Hooker in command of the Army of the Potomac — Introduces reforms, changes, etc. — Position of Lee and his forces — Hooker's plan of operations — Movement of his troops up the Rappahannock — Crossing the river — Crosses also the Rapidan — Occupies Chancellorsville—Value of the position — Brilliant expectations — Lee's course — Advance of our troops beyond the Wilderness — Ordered back — Lee's demonstrations — Jackson and his flank movement — Success — Panic of the 11 th corps — Critical moment — Rebels checked — Jackson shot in the dark by his own men — Change of line by Hooker — The fight on Sunday— Hooker retires nearer the river — Sedgwick's movements—Carries the Heights at Fredericksburg by storm —Advance—Attacked by the rebels—Retreats across the river—Hooker's retreat—Stoneman's raid—No great value—Hooker's gratulations ill timed—Army resumes its old quarters.

The opening of the new year was, marked by the addition of a new state, i e., West Virginia, to the number of those contending for the integrity of the national life. The admission of a new state, under the existing circumstances, deserves attention, as being the first instance of the kind which has as yet happened in the United States. As the Constitution declares, that no new state shall be formed within the jurisdiction of any state without the consent of the legislature of the state I concerned, as well as of Congress, it is | evident that the validity of the action | in Congress and in Virginia depends upon its conformity to the requisitions of the Constitution. The facts hereI with briefly presented will make this point clear and satisfactory.

At the outbreak of the rebel conspiracy, during the winter of 1860-61, the

legislature of the state of Virginia, con

1 Vol. IV—ga

vened in extra session, had called a convention, to be held on the 14th of February, 1861, at Richmond, to decide on the secession question. A vote was also required to be taken, when the delegates to the convention were elected, whether, if the convention should pass an ordinance of secession, that ordinance should or should not be referred back to the people for their adoption or rejection. This was decided in the affirmative by a majority of nearly 60,000. The convention met, a secession ordinance was passed, and it was referred to the people to be voted upon on the 28th of May, 1861. The very day after passing the ordinance, in February, the authorities of the state began to levy war on the United States, joined the rebel confederacy, and invited rebel troops to take possession of various points of importance in the state. In Western Virginia,

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