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CH. VIII.]

ARMY, NAVY, AND TREASURY REPORTS.

103

1861.

and sought the shelter and protection
of our flag, then they should be cared
for and employed in some useful man-
ner, and might be enlisted to serve on
our public vessels or in our navy
yards, receiving wages for their
labor. The difficult and import-
ant work of the navy was clearly pointed
out; due honor was bestowed upon
what had already been done at Hatter-
as and Port Royal, and by Captain
Wilkes; and the highest expectations
were freely entertained of the valuable
assistance yet to be rendered by the
navy in crushing the rebellion.

numerous and valuable details for the information and guidance of Congress. The secretary of war estimated the strength of the army for suppressing the rebellion at 660,971, and cited this as an evidence of the wonderful vigor of our institutions, seeing that this vast military array was procured without conscriptions, levies or drafts.* The secretary also discussed the questions, which began now to be pressing, as to what we were to do with the slaves abandoned by their masters; he urged the economical view of the matter, and asked, "why deprive the rebels of supplies by a blockade, and give them men to produce supplies?" The whole sub-ed fully and carefully the condition of ject was commended to the earnest attention of Congress, nothing doubting that they in their wisdom would dispose of it properly and safely.t

The secretary of the navy reported the vessels of all ranks as 212 in number, half of them or more being steam vessels; while fifty-two others, steamers, were in process of construction. The seamen in service were 22,000. Secretary Welles spoke also of the course, in his judgment, to be pursued in regard to fugitive slaves. His remarks were sensible and to the point, viz., that if fugitives came on board any of our ships, and if they were free from any voluntary participation in the rebellion,

* Gen. McClellan, in his report, estimated the rebel

force in Virginia at 115,500 men, with over 300 guns for field and siege service. One of the journals of the day set forth the entire rebel force at not less than 500,000 men. Later writers and critics, with more reliable means of information, have shown that the above numbers, given by McClellan, are greatly exaggerated, and that the rebels at no time had more than 60,000 encamped in our front.

The secretary of the treasury discuss

the finances, the probable income of the treasury, and the steps necessary to be taken in order to provide for deficiencies. Mr. Chase reported that his expected income of July preceding had fallen short some $30,000,000, and he asked for $200,000,000 additional, to meet the expenditures growing out of the vast increase of the army and navy; thus, making the outlay for the year, from June, 1861, to June, 1862, about $543,500,000. The probable wants of the fiscal year, ending in June, 1863, were set down at about $475,000,000, to provide for which, with the supply of the previous year's deficiencies, would necessitate an aggregate of $655,000,000 in loans. On the 1st day of July, 1860, it was stated, the public debt

(and printed in advance in the newspapers), dwelt much more fully and pointedly on this subject; tho president modified it more considerably. Other suggestions were also made in the report, respecting the "expediency of a reconstruction of the boundaries of the states of Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia," but they do not seem to have met with favor or counten

Secretary Cameron's report, as originally prepared ance.

was less than $65,000,000; on the 1st day of July, 1863, supposing the war to continue, it was estimated it would reach $900,000,000. This amount seemed almost incredible to a people like ours, who had heretofore lived in freedom from national debt and its burdens; but no one, probably, at that day could have contemplated without shuddering, that, before the rebellion should be finally crushed out, the debt would mount up to some four times that amount, or over three thousand millions of dollars!-thus putting us on a footing with the nations of the old world in a particular least of all to be desired.

rebellion. The ground taken in the be ginning, and persisted in for a long time, by the national authorities, was, that the insurrectionary states were to he brought to submission to the Consti tution without regard to, or interference with, state institutions, and especially that the abolition or destruction of slavery was in no respect a part of the purpose of the government. The progress of events, however, and the necessity of dealing with the negroes on something of a settled plan, compelled a change or modification of public sentiment; and as we shall see on subsequent pages, slavery was doomed to universal and complete destruction.

In the House, slavery was denounced as the cause of the rebellion, and movements were made looking to the in me

1861.

During the present session of Congress, various and important questions came up for discussion in relation to slavery and its concern with the rebel-diate emancipation of slaves who had lion, and also as to the position of the government in the struggle now going on. As is evident from what we have noted on previous pages, and from the suggestions and statements of the secretaries of war and the navy, the subject of slavery and what to do with the negroes was perplexing and very difficult of settlement. The opinions of the people were divided, and by no means in har mony. Some held, what was thought to be the more extreme view, that slavery, being the primal cause of the rebellion, ought to be done away with at once and forever. Others, considering themselves as more conservative in their views, wished to have the war conducted irrespective of the question of slavery, as not interfering with it at all, and even going so far as to sustain it, to the evident benefit auc advantage of the

left their masters. A bill was intro-
ed, Dec. 5th, "to confiscate the proper-
ty of rebels, to liberate their slaves, and
employ or colonize the same, and
for other purposes," which was
referred to the committee on military
affairs. Gen. Halleck's order (see p. 88)
was severely commented on by some
members, and defended and explained
by others; the resolution respecting it
was laid on the table. A discussion
was had on the general question, with
various disagreements as to facts and
the purposes of the government. A
motion was made, Dec. 16th, to raise a
volunteer force to protect Kentucky.
It was opposed by many members; it
passed the House, however, but it fail-
ed in the Senate. On the 20th, the
committee on the judiciary was instruct
ed to report a bill amending the fugi

CH. VIL]

ACTION IN CONGRESS.

tive slave law of 1850. The committee of investigation was engaged in looking after disloyal persons employed as clerks, etc., in public offices. Further debates were had early in the new year, in favor of conducting the war so as to destroy slavery, root and branch; a course which the majority were much disposed to pursue in regard to the question at issue.

In the Senate, Dec. 4th, Mr. Saulsbury, of Maryland, made a motion to appoint commissioners to meet gentlemen who might be named by the confederate authorities, so as to adjust existing difficulties peaceably, without fighting; but it was laid on the table; the day had passed for any such mode of settlement. The next day, Mr. Trumbull introduced a bill "for the confisca tion of the property of rebels, and giving freedom to the persons they held in slavery;" it was referred to the committee on the judiciary. A resolution was offered, Dec. 16th, to inquire into arrests made by the government, the habeas corpus being suspended; this was also referred to the committee on the judiciary. Papers, certifying that Mr. B. F. Stark of Oregon, was appointed to take the place vacated by the death of Col. Baker, were presented and read, Jan. 6th, 1862; objections were made by several senators on the ground of Mr. Stark's disloyalty; he was, however, permitted to take his seat for the balance of the present session.*

* The Senate took measures, early in the session, to purify that body by removing several unworthy occupants. J. C. Breckenridge, of Kentucky, was expelled, Dec. 4th, 1861; W. P. Johnston and Trusten Polk, of Missouri, were expelled, Jan. 10th, 1862; and J. D. Bright, of Indiana, was expelled, Feb. 6th, 1862. VOL. IV.-14.

103

Deferring for the present the further consideration of the proceedings of Congress, it may be well to take a brief review of the state and condition of affairs at the close of the year 1861. Such a review is not only interesting in itself considered, but, if duly weighed, will prove instructive in a high degree. The people of the loyal states, for the most part, entertained confident expectations in regard to the active, energetic and successful prosecution of the war for the Union. In general, excepting the few serious reverses at Bull Run, Ball's Bluff, etc., our military success was decidedly encouraging; and the brilliant exploits of the navy cheered and animated all hearts. Western Virginia was almost wholly in our hands. The prospects in the West were growing brighter. The people at large were ready and willing to any extent to furnish means, as well as men, for putting down effectually this wou rebellion; and there was such self-reliant strength in the Union, that no resort was had to foreign aid in taking our national loans, or in finding recruits for the army and navy. The army was steadily on the increase; discipline was becoming more and more complete; and our men were growing stronger, day by day, and better fitted for the work before them. Gen. McClellan was engaged in making preparations on on a scale of magnitude which showed that he meant to sweep deemed it best to set the Army of the everything out of his path, when he Potomac in motion.

The drawback in McClellan's case seemed to be, and it provoked abund

ant criticism, that he was waiting quite too long before making a forward move ment, and that something ought to be done during the autumn or winter; and it was charged that the rebels, who had proved themselves most skilful in deceiving our generals and other officers in regard to their numbers, had imposed on McClellan also, making him believe that they had from 120,000 to 150,000 in East Virginia, while Gen. Wadsworth affirmed confidently, from information gained from "contrabands" and deserters, that 60,000 was the highest number they ever had encamped in front of the Army of the Potomac (see p. 94). The autumn passed away with its fine weather; the winter settled down, and "all quiet on the Potomac" was the regular response to inquiry as to our grand army and its doings.* The army was waiting at the end of the year, exposed in tents to winter's discomforts and severe trials; yet it was waiting in hope of soon being called on to move for its appointed work.

One question had proved perplexing and annoying in the early part of the rebellion, we mean that relating to prisoners and what to do with them. Naturally, the government was reluctant to admit, even in appearance, any belligerent right as due to the rebels by exchanging prisoners with them; yet, under the circumstances, there was no help for it, and the government can hardly be said to have acted wisely in

* Mr. Swinton points out clearly and forcibly the

mistake of Gen. McClellan in delaying his movements, and giving so little satisfaction to the universal call for activity and energy against the rebels. See "Army

of the Potomac," p. 68-74.

1861.

the course which was pursued. It would not do to hang or shoot those taken on land or sea, because there were so many of our men in the hands of the rebels after the battle of Bull Run, that they could, as no doubt they would, have retaliated to the fullest extent. The government, on its part, seemed disposed to ignore the matter, leaving exchange to be agreed upon and conducted by the commanders and officers as they deemed best. Quite a number were discharged informally on both sides, on parole. Early in September, Colonel Wallace exchanged some prisoners with Gen. Polk. A month later, this rebel general proposed to Gen. Grant to exchange prisoners with him on the same basis. Grant replied that he was not authorized to do anything of the kind, as he neither knew nor recognized any such thing as a "Southern Confederacy." Three prisoners were sent by Gen. McClernard from Cairo to Columbus; Polk sent back sixteen to McClernard. On the 8th of November, after the battle of Belmont, Grant and Polk had further correspondence on this subject, but without any additional result as to settling the point. Gen. Fremont (as noted, p. 88) established, November 1st, an agreement with Price in regard to exchanges; but it was repudiated by Gen. Hunter. At the close of the year, and early in the new year, in compliance with public opinion and action in Congress, the secretary of war, Mr. Stanton, appointed two commissioners to proceed to the confederate states and inquire into the condition of Union prisoners there;

Ch. VIIL]

AFFAIRS AT THE CLOSE OF THE YEAR.

107

but they were refused admission into the rebel states; and though they Richmond; and the subject remained, helped along volunteering in a rather at the end of 1861, unsettled as before, forcible way oftentimes, still they were so far as any clear, defined principles in reality weaker than was supposed, were concerned.* and were growing weaker, while our armies were improving and becoming stronger. They were but poorly sup plied with various needful articles, and the blockade, much as it was abused on the score of inefficiency, cut them off from obtaining aught but casual and unreliable help from abroad.

Our foreign policy was ably conducted, and we stood, at this date, in such relation to the principal powers of Europe that there was little or no danger of direct intervention in our affairs on their part. The giving up of Mason and Slidell, and the settling the Trent difficulty on terms acceptable to England, showed the good sense as well as statesmanship of our government; and the secretary of state made it so plain, that there was no misunderstanding it, viz., that the rebellion was purely a domestic matter, and that no outside interference would be permitted for a moment.

As for the rebels, they were only too glad to maintain the appearance of a sort of siege of Washington, and to give the impression of their great and powerful numbers, and of the immense risk to be run in attacking them. They had not yet enforced a general conscription, as was soon after found necessary in

We may mention here, as most convenient for the reader, that the rebel authorities were desirous to arrange some terms for a general exchange of prisoners. Two persons were sent to Norfolk, and an agreement was entered into with our commissioners for an equal exchange. Gen. Wool, at Fortress Monroe, Feb. 14th, 1862, informed Gen. Huger at Norfolk, that he was charged with full authority to settle upon terms of proposed exchange. Our government agreed to regard privateersmen as prisoners of war. Howell Cobb met Gen. Wool and terms were arranged. Exchange went on for a while; but March 18th, Davis charged the U. S. government with "infamous and reckless breach of good faith," with regard to the privateersmen, and the prisoners taken at Fort Donelson. So far as appears, our government carried out its agreement honorably and fairly; it released 3,000 on parole,

Two causes, according to Pollard, conspired to reduce the southern cause to a critical condition of apathy: viz., "the overweening confidence of the South in the superior valor of its people, induced by the unfortunate victory of Manassas (or Bull Run), and the vain delusion, continued from month to month, that European interference was certain, and that peace was near at hand." No gun boats, we are told, were built for interior navigation and service; the privateers proved almost a failure, and did not, as was predicted, cut up or destroy the commerce of the United States; no naval preparations were made, though they had the best

taken at Roanoke Island, but refused to do the same with the Fort Donelson prisoners. Much disputing took place, and ill feeling in abundance, with crimination and recrimination, was manifested In the latter part of July, Gen. Dix and Gen. D. H. Hill arranged an agreement for exchange, based on the cartel of 1812, between the United States and Great Britain. Exchanges again commenced, and were carried forward for some time; but new troubles arose, and fierce threats of retaliation were made by Davis, outlawing Gens. Hunter and Pope, and all officers concerned in helping to arm the negroes. The whole subject was complicated and perplexing; and all through the war there was much of annoyance and trouble with regard to prisoners. For a fuller account of this subject, with documents, see Appleton's "American Annual Cy:lo pædia," for 1862, pp. 710-716.

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