TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

My Dear Sir,

London, April 10th, 1792.

There is an idea in your letter of the twenty-eighth of January, which upon second thought I find it my duty to examine, because, although it cannot now affect me, yet it may, perhaps, have some influence on Mr Pinckney's mission. At any rate, I wish you to be perfectly well acquainted with the leading features of the British Administration.

The thing I allude to is the cause, which has been assigned for the reserve I experienced in negotiating with this court. One leading point I cannot investigate, because the death of my friend, Monsieur de la Luzerne, has sealed his lips forever. But I very seriously doubt, whether he revealed what I said to him, and this for the plainest reason on earth. He was very apprehensive lest, in the deranged state of French affairs, we should call on his Court to support our application. He had made himself perfectly master of their sentiments respecting the treaty, and therefore, it was clearly his interest to appear unacquainted with the demand, and as to a treaty of commerce, he knew not one syllable on the subject.

As to the allegation of intimacy with the opposition, it is totally false. I saw none of them except Mr Fox, and him but twice in my life, and one of those times at a ball. In fact, knowing a little of their suspicious disposition, by confidential communications which the French Ambassador made to me, respecting his own situation and transactions, I purposely avoided the oppositionists, and went but rarely to see even Mr and Mrs Church, from that cause.

As to the hauteur, I believe the complaint to be, in one sense, founded. You know, Sir, that it was not necessary to insist, that they should actually appoint a Minister before we did. Time however has shown, that, in this instance at least, I judged rightly. If I could have listened to overtures derogatory to the honor and interest of my country, I should have

been held very highly. And the mortal sin was, that I did not listen to such overtures. You will recollect, Sir, that the Duke of Leeds offered to make his communications to you through me, when I last saw him, which I declined. At that moment, therefore, their reserve had not proceeded from the causes now assigned. Mr Burgess repeated this offer in the end of December. At a subsequent period they formed the plan of getting a Minister from America, whom they supposed they could gain by their attentions, and they hoped to make the stronger impression on him, by showing that they were the causes of his elevation and of my depression. You have disappointed them, and that will operate well.

I have already taken up more of your time than I expected, but this subject is important, and I must pursue it. During the armament against Spain, the Marquis del Campo, who valued his place very highly, and was desirous of holding it if possible, preserved a most profound silence to every body but this Court, and we know the ridiculous event of his negotiations, which must have been more successful, if he had acted with the sense and spirit, which the occasion called for. He is a great favorite at this Court. The next armament which Mr Empress, and every art was

Pitt engaged in, was against the used to coax Count Waranzow into a conduct, which might subserve Mr Pitt's views. But the firm Russian was too wise and too honest to become either creature or dupe. They then attempted to bully him, as well as his Mistress, and he treated both with contempt. The consequence of his conduct was the complete success of his sovereign; and Mr Pitt, finding him too well fixed at his own Court to be shaken by his intrigues, has again had recourse to a complimentary and apologetical conduct.

During the course of that armament, the inclosed pamphlet was published under the Count's inspection and direction. You will collect from it some useful information. The British Ministry, knowing the truth of what is therein asserted, and still more of what is insinuated, shrunk from the controversy.

By the bye, I was astonished to find, that they had strongly supported the King of Prussia's attempt to possess himself of Dantzic. I was not so much surprised the other day to find, that Mr Pitt had asserted roundly in the House of Commons, that he had not stimulated the Turk to war. There is not a cabinet in Europe, that does not know the contrary, and many of his hearers too. I am, &c.

GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

London, April 25th, 1792.

Dear Sir,

I had the honor, on the tenth instant, to mention to you the assassination of the King of Sweden. He is since dead of his wounds.

You will find by the public prints, that France declared war against the young King of Hungary, and we are of course to expect an immediate invasion of the Austrian Netherlands. I am told that this Court, notwithstanding their guarantee of that country to the House of Austria, are determined, if possible, to stand neuter; and, as a preliminary, have within these few days sent off a courier to announce to the King of Hungary their opinion, that, let the declaration of war come from whom it may, they consider him as the aggressor. This may be true, for a large party in the nation are opposed to the expense of any war, and particularly to that, whose object may be the subduing of a spirit of liberty in France. Mr Pitt will, I think, rather take the popular side of any serious question, and such questions may soon arise, and abundantly.

A society is forming to bring about a reform in the Representation. This is likely to prove very troublesome to the advocates of corrupt influence. The abolition of the slave, trade is also disagreeable to them. When once the spirit of change begins to act, it is impossible to say where it will stop.

There are abuses in abundance, which either grow out of the present form of government, or have been so long connected. and indeed blended with it, that a destruction of them cannot but give it some serious wounds. Hence there is, among the best friends of freedom here, no small degree of apprehension and anxiety.

In regard to the line of conduct, which may be pursued in Brabant, I do not believe that the King's Council are at all decided. The Dutch government have for some time past pressed hard for a decision, but without effect. The patriotic, or French party, in the United Provinces will, perhaps, seize the present moment to abolish the office of Stadtholder, unless his allies are in force to support him and awe them. If it be true, that the present intention be to preserve a neutrality, it seems to me that in case the war continues, it will be easy for Prussia and Austria to force them into it, simply by leaving the Low Countries exposed, for it is almost as much the interest of England as of the King of Hungary, and much more so than of the kingdom of Hungary, to prevent France from possessing herself of Flanders.

It is generally supposed, that this declaration of France will bring forward the whole of the Confederacy against her, which has been so long talked of, but this Confederacy has several inefficient members. Among these is Spain, the languor of whose administration is as great as at any former period of her history, and perhaps much greater.

I have learnt within these few days a fact, which it is proper you should be acquainted with. The President's letter to me, and my consequent communications with this Court, were made immediate use of to frustrate Mr Carmichael's negotiations at Madrid, and with effect. And yet I understand, that the mentioning a part of the object to the French Ambasrador, has been assigned by this administration, or by somebody for them, as a reason why my applications were not successful. I will make no comment. I am sure the proper reflections will suggest themselves to your mind in a moment.

I shall leave this city in two days, and proceed with all speed to Paris. I did wish to see Colonel Smith, who is, I understand, on his passage, and probably charged with some letters from you; but Mr Short is urgent with me to come forward, and therefore I shall go. I am, &c.

GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.

LORD GEORGE GORDON TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.

Sir,

London, Newgate Prison, June 18th, 1792.

Seeing your arrival in Paris announced in the English papers, as Ambassador from America, I use the freedom of a very old acquaintance to enclose a little publication, touching on the situation of these kingdoms, for your perusal; and I shall be happy to hear it has come safe to hand, and that you enjoy your health in Europe. The General, (Staats Long) never calls upon me ;* to say the truth, we differed so much, in my mother's lifetime, about the American war, that he has never forgotten it. I hope Lewis Morris is well, and Richard and his family.

I am, Sir, with great respect, &c.

GEORGE GORDON.

TO LORD GEORGE GORDON.

Paris, June 28th, 1792.

My Lord,

I have had the honor to receive your favor of the eighteenth, and observe with concern, that it is written from a pris

*Staats Long Morris, a Major General in the British Army, and half brother to Gouverneur Morris. He married the Dutchess of Gordon.