"From these sources reaps an abundant harvest of information.

"But can we do nothing in return?" "Among the cultivators of science among ourselves, and who are now a rapidly increasing number, are persons distinguished for their capacity and attainments, and amongst them there is an evident disposition toward a concentration of effort."

"Is it not, therefore, desirable, to furnish some rallying point, some object sufficiently interesting to be nurtured by common efforts, and thus to become the basis of an enduring common interest?

By such arguments, who, that loves his country, and sympathizes with her highest interests can fail to be affected,— nay, to be convinced!

The honor of the country is concerned in the prosperity of its own proper offspring, for this journal is and has always been a strictly national affair-as much so, as strictly so, as the Constitution itself. It belongs not merely to those who read and understand works of science, but to all who favor truth, enlightenment and national honor.

A person, reported to be one" of great intellect and learning," is said to have declared in a lecture of his on the revolutionary spirit of the age, that this age might be characterized,"-distinguished from all previous ages,-as revolutionary, and marked everywhere by "a spirit of discord."

It is not difficult in this country, or in any other, to persuade a promiscuous audience, brought together by curiosity and wonder, of one's great intellect and learning; especially in that field of phantasy and self-delusion called "Philosophy of History." We may therefore safely pass over the reporter's addition, "of great intellect and learning," as touching neither here nor there upon the matter in hand; nay, if it is insisted on, we may admit it, with the reservation that great intellect and learning may be even in the realm of confusion, and may be joined with a total want of political tact, and a profound ignorance of the spirit of the age, be that spirit as active or passive as it will.

Before admitting the proposition, that this age is revolutionary, and denying as we mean to deny, that it is marked by a spirit of discord, it may be well to make some brief inquiry into the meaning of the words " Age," Spirit," and "Revolution" precision in these particulars being convenient, if not momentous.

The word Age seems to have several meanings, as for instance, when it signifies a space of three centuries from Lu

ther's Reform to the present epoch, characterized by the founding of the inquisition and of the Liberty of Protestant Germany at its beginning, and of Bible Societies and Santafedisti Societies at its close the first of these latter for the extension of peace and religion among all nations, the other for the secret and open massacre and torture of all who profess not the papistical faith.

An age of such limits, begun and terminated by such a pair of institutions, so singularly matched against each other, is an age worth study, and affords materials for very profound Philosophies of History.

Or second, the word Age may be taken to signify the 19th century, characterized by the triumph of the Bourbons, the fall of Napoleon; the division of Poland; the subjugation, death or exile of all the free spirits of Italy; the conquest of the Afghans; the attempts of France against certain harmless South Sea Islanders; the ravage and seizure of Algiers; the subjugation of the French people by a custom despotism; the assumption of the liberties of Cracow; the union of France and Spain; a war of conquest undertaken by the United States against Mexico; the quiet of the Canadas; the growing power of the Russian Autocrat; the bastions of Paris; the successful machinations of the Jesuits; despotism thinking itself triumphant, and liberty seeming depressed and low! This is the second sense in which

No, that is not so. On the contrary, there is rather a spirit of union of one sort among the sovereigns, and of union of another sort among the people. The rulers were never so unanimous-the people were never less divided.

The people of Italy, for example, have come for the first time since the extinction of the great Roman Empire to feel themselves a people-a nation-and agree most perfectly in hating their Austrian tyrants, and hoping for an advent of liberty and a Free Constitution; whereas, heretofore they have always been at war among themselves, kept in a perpetual broil by the intrigues of the priests, the Pope, and the Princes: for which read the history of Italy passim.

The people of Ireland, too, are at length beginning to feel themselves a nation, and agree most surprisingly in many aspirations; but, until very lately, nothing of the kind was looked for, and nothing heard of from that quarter, but narrow provincial jealousies and civil dissension.

The people of Prussia, instead of divisions, discords and petty discontent, have come to an almost unanimous opinion that they must have a Constitution. Whereas, heretofore, they were chiefly busy with their kings in the wars of Europe or of Europe's kings.

In Russia we hear only of consolidation, and making of many nations into an empire; there, too, consolidation and harmony is the theme.

In China, the people are faithful to their government; they have no Jesuits to foment divisions.

In Afghanistan there is a wonderful unanimity in hatred of foreign oppression. In Algiers the number of the traitors and discontents is few; all that dare, unite against the common tyrant.

Spain is indeed, like South America, in a terrible broil--they have not reduced their princes and priests sufficiently-but there is hope even for Spain.

Belgium and Holland are diligent in business; and look principally to stocks, railroads, manufactures, and the like, for contentment; they are not, indeed never were, a revolutionary people. A Spanish Duke of Alva was needed, with horrid persecutions, to make them revolt; still, it is by no means certain that a sharp application of the pincers of St. Dominic, and the bridle of Loyola, might not throw them all into confusion again, little as they love revolutions.

Sweden is quiet, apparently occupied in meditation.

Poland is very quiet indeed.

Austria shows no restlessness or hankering for revolution. In Luther's time, and in Voltaire's, she showed a great deal of uneasiness.

The cities of the Rhine, and the States of Northern Germany, are either merchandising or studying, or making a feeble movement against their priests; whereas, up to the present time, their history teems with reformations, martyrdoms, and foreign or civil wars.

Betwixt the people of the New, and the people of the Old World there is sprung up not hatred and a war, but a singular sympathy and unanimity. Ireland, Italy, and Poland, send all their exiles hither to make common cause.

The Kirk of Scotland with great unanimity retires from its dependence on the government.

The people of Rome, with the Pope at their head, with one voice cry out for a constitution and to have their hands untied.

The people of France were either never less able or less willing to engage in civil war than at present. They seem to be of one mind; feel themselves to be one nation; yet do not know exactly what to think of their government, whether it dishonors them, or they it.

England is just now agreed about the badness of corn-laws, and they are accordingly abolished.

Then, if we look at governments, there seems to be a charming amicable spirit among the sovereigns of Europe. Instead of fomenting jealousies, and getting together by the ears, they marry and are given in marriage, they send presents to each other, and form tacit holy alliances; they are become nursing mothers and nursing fathers to their people. Their hope and pride is the dear people, whom as an infant in swaddling bands, which they humorously name Bastions, Spielbergs, and Iron Steamers, they look upon with pride, longing with a trembling pleasure for the day when it shall rise into manhood and tenderly relieve its dear parents of their heavy charge. To this end they educate it, and give it all manner of instructive toys; railroads, books, free-press, &c. ; it has but to cry and stamp a little to get what it wants.

Surely, so amiable and unanimous an age cannot be called revolutionary! It were unjust.

What is a revolution? A change in opinions, manners, constitutions, partial or complete. We are oppressed, and we violently cast off our oppressors; we lie grovelling in ignorance, and demand schools; we are robbed by monopolies, and demand that there he no monopolies; we are starving for bread and demand the free admission of grain; we are ruined by foreign competition and must have our ports closed against it; these are revolutions, or reformations, or what you will, but call them by the worst name that bigotry and tyranny can invent, they are, nevertheless, the safeguards, the evidences, and the vital acts of liberty, not of that miserable political sham which is called liberty, the being equally dealt with by bad laws, but of that inherent and indefeasible freedom lodged in every true man's breast, which will not let him rest until he is responsible to none but his Maker for the free acts of his body and his reason.

Indeed, it cannot be denied that this age is revolutionary-so have been all ages, or at least all that men respect. But to go no farther back, let us begin with that great Israelitish Revolution, when the chosen race of God rose against the priests of Egypt, and puritanically marched into the wilderness, led by the Most High. A little farther and we light upon other revolutions in the history of that misguided people, who, perpetually sinking into apathy, under a priesthood leaning to idolatry, were roused to revo

lution and massacre, and the destruction of temples and high places, by the voice of a Samuel, an Isaiah, or a David. Or what shall we say to that grandest of all progresses, or revolutions, the introduction of Christianity, which came bringing not "peace, but a sword," and by the power of the word, parents were set against children, and children against parents, and nations crushed and trampled under foot for the long period of five centuries in that great revolutionary epoch of humanity? Advance now to the crusades; the whole Christian world against the whole Mahomedan, for five centuries also.

Revolution upon revolution; the bistory of man is a history of revolutions, and of progress, even to our day; but ours are petty and ridiculous compared with those of the earlier ages.

The battle of life is never done, ever to be fought; through the night the mischief collects, the evils have crept inrushed in-aud must be swept, hurried, hurled back to whence they came.

It has now come to this, that instead of long periods of lethargy and idle inobservance, alternating with furious strug gles to break the toils thrown over us in our sleep, we keep a constant vigilance, and consider ourselves as undergoing a ceaseless reformnation and revolution.

"The price of Liberty is perpetual vigilance."

be dispensed with. But the occurrences are strictly true, and discarding all attempts at fiction founded upon facts," for which the writer has neither taste nor talent, he proceeds at once to the facts themselves, and will confine himself to the plain and simple yet highly interesting tale which he so frequently heard related by his lamented friend, whose noble spirit took its flight from "life's checkered scene" more than twenty years ago.

It must be fresh in the recollection of most of our readers that about the time of the termination of the last war with Great Britain, and of the peace of Europe

and the confinement of Napoleon at St. Helena by the "Holy Alliance," the South American colonies were struggling for their Independence, in which struggle, thousands of our brave officers of the late war felt the deepest sympathy. Among the most prominent of the states thus struggling for liberty was Buenos Ayres; and it is well known that many of our private armed ships, rendered by the peace almost valueless as merchantmen, were sent out there for sale, and the young Republic was having several constructed in the ports of the United States, the largest and most important of which was one at Baltimore, pierced for forty-four guns, and at that time believed to be the most splendid frigate ever built in this country.

was "

This fine ship, whose neutral name Clifton," was placed under the command of Captain Clayton of Baltimore, (the present worthy old commodore,) and no sooner was it known that she would take, passage free, such American gentlemen of character and standing as were desirous of receiving commissions in the Buenos Ayrean Navy on their arrival there, than hundreds of our gallant officers who had been thrown out of commissions by the peace, flocked to Baltimore, and some fifty or more took passage in the "Clifton." On the arrival of the ship at Buenos Ayres, her armament being already in her lower hold, she was soon made" ship-shape," and the requisite number of officers put in commission, among whom was my friend Capt. S―, from whom these facts were derived, and a son of an eminent jurist of New York, the late BrLn. This splendid ship of war unfortunately was lost on her first cruise on her way to Valparaiso, and with her perished the high hopes of many of her brave officers who were seeking fame in the navy of the new republic. The most of them found their way back to the United States; a few, however, were determined to push their fortunes further. On their return to Buenos Ayres, they found among the vessels there in port for sale, the beautiful New York clipper brig —, which had run with such remarkable success and eclat as a letterof-marque between New York and France during the war, and had made so much money for her enterprising owners, the then firm of P. & H. This brig, mainly through the influence and liberality of Don de Forest, afterwards Con

sul-General to the United States, and long a resident of New Haven, was bought by the Buenos Ayrean government and put in commission under the name of " Chacabuco," mounting sixteen guns, with a full compliment of gallant officers, chiefly American, and a large crew composed however of sailors of almost all nations. The writer cannot at this late day recollect the names of all the officers as mentioned by his friend, nor is he certain that that of the commander was R. But his friend Capt. S was second in command, the New York gentleman before alluded to was captain of marines, and Doctor B., now or late of Florida was the surgeon: my friend always spoke of the officers of the 66 Chacabuco" with great kindness and affection, and the writer exceedingly regrets that their names have escaped his memory, as doubtless many of them survive and might furnish very interesting details in this narrative of the first cruise of a vessel whose name might have figured largely in the history of the times as the fortunate ship which rescued from the rock in the ocean" the mightiest general of the age.

were

Never was a ship better equipped than the Chacabuco, and never gallant officers more intent on seeking an enemy and at the same time seeking fame: she was what sailors call a "fancy craft," and sailed like the wind. The only drawback on the high hopes and happiness of her officers was the occasional and increasing illness of her noble commander. That gentleman, formerly an officer in the American navy, had been on some former occasion severely wounded in the head, and at times was so much indisposed as to almost amount to insanity. The anxiety and excitement of fitting out the Chacabuco brought on a recurrence of his complaint soon after getting to sea, and it became apparent to all, that the first Lieutenant (whom I have called Capt. S but whom I shall now designate as Lieut. S) must become in point of fact the commander for the cruise.

In about thirty days she captured a prize from Calcutta, and from papers found on board learned that two large and valuable letters-of-marque ships belonging to the Royal East India Company of Spain were soon to sail for Cadiz-the officers of the prize confirmed these facts, and added that they each had cargoes valued at half a million or more-were strong