mirable operation of this is, that when the majority who govern are wrong, their errors will produce evils; these, as soon as they begin to act extensively, will sink under the influence of an enlightened public opinion, and the irresistible power of the press will bring up the minority into the ranks of the majority, and thus evils will be corrected and the government again be restored in practice to a sound and healthy action.

I am one who very much rely upon the power and final triumph of truth, and on the purifying influence of an enlightened public opinion and its dissemination by the press. By the operation of these on European countries, abuses which have been tolerated for ages will shortly be corrected, and liberal principles and regulated liberty will modify the frame works of all the governments in christendom.

It was a profound remark of Talleyrand when he said "that there is something which has more wisdom than even Bonaparte or Voltairewhich is public opinion." On this we can rely for the final triumph of truth.

The tariff must be modified in a short time. There are causes which will work out this result. The American system must go down, the evil be corrected, and the government be again placed on its sound and solid foundation. Tyranny cannot exist in this country, nor can it under the march of events and the power of existing causes much longer exist in the old world. The doctrine of nullification in the present understanding of it is destructive and ruinous. That one State, moved perhaps by faction, at the head of which may be placed even one designing and talented man, should have power to arrest the operation of the whole government of the Union, is paradoxical and ruinous. However well this might answer in ordinary times of peace, the government could never sustain and hold itself together at other and difficult times. An extensive government like our own, when it shall be shaken by foreign or internal convulsion, will fall to pieces under the operation of this doctrine.

We hold with the doctrines of the United States Constitution. We hold that existing evils must either be corrected under that sacred instrument or according to the republican doctrines of Jefferson contained in the Declaration of American Independence-viz., “That whenever governments shall fail to answer the ends for which they were instituted among men it is the right and duty of the government to establish such other forms as seem most likely to secure their safety and happiness."

I beg leave to offer the following:

"The Doctrine of Nullification: Unsustained and unsustainable." I am, gentlemen, your obedient servant,

RICHARD J. MANNING.

LETTER FROM HON. CHANCELLOR DESAUSSURE.

COLUMBIA, June 18, 1831. Samuel H. Dickson, J. Harleston Read, E. P. Starr, Committee of Invitation:

GENTLEMEN,-I had the honor of receiving your polite letter inviting me to dine with our fellow-citizens in Charleston of the Union and State Rights Party on the Fourth of July.

You do me no more than justice in believing that I am greatly attached to the Union of the States, as the solid foundation of the national greatness and prosperity; as the sure guarantee of our internal tranquility and of our external peace, as well as of the public liberty. These were the sentiments of Washington, the father of his country, who, in his farewell address, warns his fellow-citizens "that the unity of government which constitutes us one people, is a main pillar in the edifice of our real independence; the support of our tranquility at home, our peace abroad, of our safety, of our prosperity, and of that very liberty we so highly prize." To which he adds: "That it is of infinite moment that we should properly estimate the immense value of our national Union to our collective and individual happiness; and that we should cherish a cordial, habitual and immovable attachment to it; accustoming ourselves to think of it as of the palladium of our political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may even suggest a suspicion that it can be in any event abandoned." These opinions and this solemn advice from him, who acted the greatest of all parts in the great drama of human affairs, is entitled to the profoundest veneration from his fellow-citizens; for his experience was great, his sagacity instinctive, and his patriotism unbounded. The history of all confederations proves the truth of his maxims and the wisdom of his advice. They have been always destroyed, and the country ruined for want of attention to these maxims. They have my entire concurrence; and I rejoice in the belief that this sentiment pervades the minds of a vast majority of the citizens in all parts of the United States. And the Union well deserves the affection of the citizens, for it has preserved our country in peace and prosperity during a longer period than is usual in the annals of the human race, at a time, too, when almost all the nations of the earth have been disturbed by internal commotions, or distressed by foreign wars.

It is not, however, to be dissembled, that this inestimable Union is now put to a severe trial. A series of the acts of Congress, operating most injuriously on the interests of the South, for the protection of Northern manufacturers, have produced deep dissatisfaction in the minds of the citizens of a large section of the United States. The evil is so great, and the injustice is so gross, that the attachment of the South to the Union is gradually weakening, and ere long will be almost_oblite

rated, unless relief be obtained. Yet Congress does not seem to have discovered that the affections of the citizen is the best support of all governments. It has denied most pertinaciously the relief sought by the South. How long the pressure will be endured cannot be foreseen. Many ardent spirits, impatient of the wrong, are prepared for strong action to throw off the yoke. On the other hand, many of our citizens cannot yet give up the Union, so precious for the past time. They continue to hope, almost against hope; and in this state of mind, they are not prepared to act with their brethren. This difference of opinion, honestly felt and consciously expressed on both sides, has produced most unhappy effects. It has divided the citizens into violent parties, gradually producing bitter animosities. This is most deeply to be regretted, not only as it disturbs the harmony of society, even in members of the same families, but as weakening our efforts to get rid of the oppression of which we complain. The ablest, wisest and best men of our country are as much divided in opinion, as to the right course of conduct, as those of inferior endowments. Would to God that they could be united in common counsels, and in a common plan, to obtain redress, without hazard to the Union. Could not all our citizens be induced to unite together in one grand celebration of the ever-memorable Fourth of July; and could not the leading men on both sides, who have the confidence of the country, meet in friendly counsel, and devise some plan which would obtain the support of the whole State? I most sin, cerely and anxiously wish this could be done. Without it, nothing can be done.

My public duties will carry me into the upper country immediately, so that it will not be in my power to accept your polite invitation to the public dinner. Permit me, however, to offer you a toast for the occasion:

"The Union of the States: May it never be dissolved by unjust, oppressive and sectional legislation; or by rash and violent measures of resistance to the laws of our country."

I am, gentlemen, with great respect, your most obedient servant, HENRY WM. DESAUSSURE.

LETTER FROM THE HON. JUDGE RICHARDSON.

MANCHESTER, June 26, 1831.

Samuel H. Dickson, J. Harleston Read, E. P. Starr, Committee of Invitation: GENTLEMEN,-Your invitation to a dinner on the Fourth of July, to be provided by the Union and State Rights Party of Charleston, is received. The season of the year, and the distance of my residence, alone prevent me from attending a celebration so just, patriotic, and praiseworthy; and rendered, in my judgment, necessary at this time, from circumstances attending the political parties in Charleston. I beg your accept

ance of the following sentiment, which exhibits my conviction of the correctness of your political principles:

"The State principles of Moses, that made Agriculture the basis of national stability; and the policy of Solomon, that ingrafting Commerce on the stock of the farmer, left the Domestic Arts to their natural aliment, found in free trade and tillage."

With great respect, your obedient servant,

J. S. RICHARDSON.

LETTER FROM THOMAS WILLIAMS, JR., Esq.

YORK DISTRICT, June 18.

Samuel H. Dickson, J. Harleston Read, E. P. Starr, Committee of Invitation: GENTLEMEN,-I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 10th instant as a committee on the part and behalf of the Union and State Rights Party of your city, inviting me to dine with them on the Fourth of July next.

I am bound to acknowledge it as one of the highest honors of my life to be identified with that party whose wisdom and patriotism have constantly induced the course best calculated to save our country in her times of greatest peril. Of late I have thought the evidence to establish one of the so much hooted "eight points" is not of that doubtful character which was once supposed, for language is now used, and in the most public manner, and by our most distinguished men, which at one time would have been thought disgraceful and treasonable, but which is now held by gentlemen as not only correct and proper, but even praiseworthy. Yet I trust the Union and State Rights party, guided by such men as Drayton, Smith and Huger, will, while they always point to every encroachment on national and constitutional liberty, also point to the proper remedy without endangering the safety of the Union I regret extremely the particular season will not allow me to join with you in celebrating the day so sacred to our liberty. You have my earnest desire for the full and triumphant success of the doctrines maintained and insisted on by the Union and State Rights Party. Believing they are essential to our safety, for their zealous and steady defense our fellow-citizens will yet bless us.

Respectfully, your obedient servant,

THOS. WILLIAMS, JR.

LETTER FROM ALEXANDER SPEER, ESQ.

ABBEVILLE, June 27, 1831.

Samuel H. Dickson, J. Harleston Read, E. P. Starr, Committee of Invitation: GENTLEMEN,-I have this moment received your kind invitation to join the "Union and State Rights Party" of the city of Charleston in celebrating the returning anniversary of our country's independence.

เ

For this act of attention and kindness permit me to return my thanks, and at the same time to assure you, and through you the party with whom I am proud to act, that although distance and season will prevent my personal attendance, yet my heart and best wishes are with you. I rejoice that Charleston has not yet determined to "calculate the value of the Union," and that a goodly number of noble spirits are yet found who are unwilling to place our beloved State in a situation from which it will be "legal and constitutional treason" in her citizens to take sides with or support that federal government, to establish which cost our ancestors so much blood and treasure.

Be assured, whatever you may hear to the contrary, that whenever the curtain is fully raised so as to make the question of union or disunion fully and fairly, the people of Abbeville will not be found wanting, and nullyism, with all its et ceteras, will fall to rise no more. In conclusion, gentlemen, permit me through you to offer a toast, which I flatter myself will meet with your entire approbation.

"The Hon. William Drayton, who with more than Roman virtue, sacrificed the dearest ties of personal and family friendship for the good of his country."

With the highest respect, I remain, gentlemen, your obedient and humble servant,

ALEXANDER SPEER.

LETTER FROM THE HON. JOHN L. WILSON.

CHARLESTON, July 2, 1831.

Samuel H. Dickson, J. Harleston Read, E. P. Starr, Committee of Invitation: GENTLEMEN,—I have received your kind and polite invitation to join the procession of the Union and State Rights Party, enclosing a ticket of admission to dine, for which polite attention permit me to return you my thanks. After a public service of more than twenty years I have determined to devote myself entirely to professional engagements and domestic retirement. With this resolution taken, I admit the principle that the Republic has a right to demand at all times the services of her citizens, and whenever such a crisis shall arrive, and I am called upon to act, I shall obey the summons with promptitude and zeal. Although for the last two years I have taken no part in the political excitement which now agitates and convulses my beloved State, I have not been insensible to passing events. To me it is a source of deep regret to witness this unhappy division, which, at the same time it serves to weaken our just influence in the national councils, arrays in hostile ranks the same family, breaking asunder former political friendships and connections and poisoning the foundations of social and domestic happiness. Notwithstanding the present array of contending parties, my confidence in the intelligence and virtue of the people remains undiminished; and, I