every controversy between herself and the general government to the adjudication of the supreme federal court. When she objects to the intervention of that tribunal, provided by the federal compact, decides the question for herself; declares this or that law of Congress inoperative within her limits, and endeavors to carry her views into operation, it is virtually a resumption of all her former. sovereignty, and she is "ipso facto" out of the Union-at least she may be so considered and so treated by the federal government. But if South Carolina should undertake to arrest the operations of a law of Congress, without a formal act of secession, the general government has the option of another process, and one that would most probably be resorted to. It would have the right to say to South Carolina, "You seem to have forgotten that our government was founded in the spirit of compromise and concession. You must remember that every law cannot be made to suit your particular interest, and you must bear in mind that while you remain under my protection and avail yourself of the benefit of such laws as you deem advantageous and constitutional, you must submit to those that are inconvenient, and which you may even think unconstitutional, or refer the disputed law to the decision of the constituted tribunal. Should that tribunal decide against you, and you refuse to acquiesce, I must use all the power vested in me by the Constitution to enforce obedience." And it does appear to me that, under such circumstances, the President of the United States would be bound by his oath and by every consideration of official duty to carry the law into full operation, be the consequences what they may.

While, therefore, South Carolina remains in the Union, I can imagine no mode of procedure by which she can defeat the tariff laws without bringing her militia in conflict with the troops of the general government. But suppose we could, by any civil process, enable our merchants to elude the payment of the duties, what measure would then be resorted to by the general government? It would either require the duties to be promptly paid in cash and establish a sufficient military force in our seaports to ensure their collections, or our harbors would be blockaded by a detachment from the federal navy, prohibiting entirely the import of foreign goods or the export of our produce. What then would be our remedy? Either unconditional and disgraceful submission or a foreign alliance. And I doubt whether Great Britain or any other European nation would think the commerce and friendship of South Carolina of sufficient importance, under such circumstances, to induce them to encounter the hazard and expense of such relations.

Thus I have tested the doctrine of nullification by what I think would be some of its natural and unavoidable operations, and I am bound, therefore, to reject it as impracticable and dangerous, and must discard it as an absurdity.

But those of us who object to nullification are asked by the nullifiers, with an air of triumph, "What remedy do you propose?"

Were I an absolute federalist of the National Republican School, ready to "sacrifice the substance to the shadow," to permit the vital interests of my country to be destroyed under the forms of the Constitution, while the spirit of that instrument was disregarded, I might deem it a sufficient answer to refer to the provisions of the federal compact, and in ordinary cases this would be the correct reply, but in a case like the present, supposed to involve an ultimate extremity similar to that of life and death, I would be guilty of no such mockery. I should say that when the public debt is paid, and all pretext for a high tariff thereby destroyed; should the American system still be adhered to with stubbornness; should the tariff still be regarded as absolutely intolerable and all hopes of relief from Congress be entirly annihilated, we should then redress our wrongs in our own way. How would that be? Let all the anti-tariff States, or at least the Atlantic portion of them south of the Potomac, make common cause; as they have a common interest, they should be actuated by the same political impulse and feeling. Let, therefore, Virginia, North and South Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi, Alabama, and as many of the adjacent States as choose to join us, assemble in convention, if you please, and, acting in concert, present to the federal government the alternative of receding from its unjust and oppressive legislation or submission to our separation from the confederacy. I am fully aware of the hazard of such a proceeding. Should Congress adhere to its iniquitous policy, and we are driven to the necessity of pursuing the last and worse branch of the alternative, it is easy to imagine many dangers, difficulties, and expenses we should have to encounter. In such event I can readily conceive the necessity we should be under of keeping up a large navy to protect our commerce, a formidable chain of military posts to protect our inland frontier, together with a powerful standing army to repel invasion and suppress insurrection. It is also obvious our liberty would be endangered by such powerful armaments, nor can I hide from my mental vision the certainty that even in this little Republic a rivalry of interest and a struggle fcr political predominance would soon arise that would shake our newly-formed government to its centre. I say, therefore, the experiment will be dangerous, and it is only to be resorted to in the last extremity. Yet, I would resort to it rather than we should become the mere stewards and overseers of Northern monopolists and manufacturers, and entail slavery upon our posterity. But for South Carolina, divided within herself, to attempt such an enterprise, not only without the aid or co-operation of any of her adjoining sister States, but under the rebukes of all, would be madness and folly in the extreme. It would, indeed, be a species of political insanity that could only be ex

ceeded by the absurd idea of a single State arresting the laws and operations of the general government with impunity, and still remaining a member of the federal family.

But, after all, may we not ask who were the authors of this infamous American system? and who they are that have mounted "the rider on the pale horse?" that bringeth in his train all the ills of prophecy.

I am unwilling to wound the feelings of individuals by a minute enquiry as to who are most culpable, or were the most efficient advocates and zealous agents in fixing this ruinous policy upon us. Fortunately, no such enquiry is necessary. It is universally known, and 'tis as strange as true, that the leaders of that party called the nullifiersof that party who have stolen from us the appellation of "State Rights," and have modestly arrogated to themselves all the courage and patriotism of the South-yes, the very men who now wish South Carolina, single-handed and alone, to run a premature, dangerous, desperate tilt with the federal government on account of its oppressive legislation, are the self-same men who have done more than any others to bring those evils upon us. They have introduced the robbers into the house; and, because we object to the instant burning of the building, we are charged with all the plunder committed-Satan like, they would first seduce and then mock us; they involve us in a ruinous and dangerous dilemma, then point out what they call a mode of escape, but which we consider certain destruction; and when we refuse to pursue their mad and hopeless scheme, they denounce us as fools, cowards, and traitors. Great God, how much longer are the people to be thus gulled and deluded!

But perhaps you are desirous of knowing whether I have any hope the alternative to which I have alluded will not be forced upon us. I have no hesitation in saying, even at the hazard of a sneer, I do entertain such a hope.

It seemed to be conceded on all sides that the duty on sugar, as well as several other items of the tariff, would have been reduced or repealed if there had been time at the last session to obtain the final action of Congress on those propositions. But the session being limited to the 4th of March, and much of its scanty time unavoidably taken up by the trial of Judge Peck, no proposition of that kind could be definitely acted upon. Beside we still had in Congress the same old materials that constituted it the twelve months before; and, therefore, not much was to be expected from them more than had been done at the preceding session. In the next Congress I trust the case will be somewhat different; several changes have already been made for the better in the representation of some of the States, as you are no doubt aware. In addition to this, it is the opinion of older and more experienced members than myself that "the monster" is staggering with its deformity, and tottering

under the weight of its own iniquity. They speak of the downfall of the system with absolute certainty, and say that its final overthrow cannot be postponed much, if any, beyond the payment of the public debt. The friends of the system themselves look to the extinction of the national debt as the grand crisis of their favorite policy—they look to it "with fear and trembling"; and with a view to keep off their evil day as long as possible, they vote for every appropriation of the public money, no matter how large, regardless of the object, or from whence the application.

I have thus briefly presented you some of the reasons on which my expectations of a change for the better is founded. I have done it frankly, and have addressed you throughout in a spirit of candor, not only because I regard equivocation on these subjects unwarrantable, if not criminal, but because I consider you my political friends. I would not thus descant upon these topics were you an assembly of nullifiers; were I to hold out hopes and favorable expectations concerning the tariff, to that class of politicians, and my predictions (as they would call them) should not be promptly and literally fulfilled by Congress, the nullifying gentry would be disposed to "nullify" me for the disappointment. They would be ready to visit upon me all the penalties due to the original sins of their own favorite politicians. Therefore, although I neither make nor regard threats, I do not wish to be understood as promising or predicting what the future operations of Congress may be upon the tariff. The State which I in part represent is composed of reading and intelligent freemen, as capable of judging for themselves as I am; and I wish all my fellow-citizens, and especially the nullifiers, to make their own calculations of "the prospect before us."

About President Jackson, and the prospect of his re-election, I have but little to say; I consider that event to be as certain as it is indispensable to the welfare of our common country. Some blame him for doing too little to overthrow the American system, others blame him for doing too much in that way; perhaps the best evidence of his honesty and patriotism is that he is a little blamed by all parties. All know, whatever they may say to the contrary, that Gen. Jackson will do what he believes to be right-and no man is blessed with a more infallible judgment or a more fearless spirit. The great body of the American people know this, and they know, besides, that no other man, under existing circumstances, could hold this confederacy together five years longer. They are aware that the crisis demands the re-election of Andrew Jackson as President of the United States-and they will be "faithful to themselves and to him." Let no one suppose me desirous of flattering General Jackson-character and disposition apart, I have no motive for such sycophancy. To say nothing of my want of qualifications, I do not wish, nor am I in a situation to accept, any office in the gift of the President, neither would I beg office at his hands for

my best friend. I wish, indeed, the Constitution prohibited every member of Congress from taking any appointment under the federal government. It is a slander on the American people to say that competent men cannot always be found, except among their representatives. A representative of the people should have no motive to court the smiles or dread the frowns of any but his constituents.

Pardon me for troubling you with such a long letter, and allow me to conclude by proposing to your meeting the following sentiment: General Jackson and the People of Carolina: They cannot be divided while he continues honest and they remain free."

Very respectfully, your obedient humble servant,

JAMES BLAIR.

After reading the above, the following toast was offered:

"By Colonel Steedman. General James Blair: A man of the people-a firm and consistent advocate of their rights and interests; he has this day portrayed the true connection between the Union and his native State."

LETTER FROM THE HON. R. J. MANNING, LATE GOVERNOR OF THIS STATE.

FULTON POSTOFFICE, June 30. Samuel H. Dickson, J. Harleston Read, E. P. Starr, Committee of Invitation: GENTLEMEN,-You have kindly invited me in the name of the Union and State Rights Party, to partake of a public dinner, and to join in the celebration of American Independence, in the city of Charleston, on the approaching Fourth of July. Accept my thanks for the respectful remembrance of me on the occasion, and be pleased to convey them to those whose organ you are, with my regret that the season of the year, and the sufferings of a sick family forbid me to attend.

In the conflicts and war of opinions which have unhappily divided our beloved State, the character of my own opinions, has placed me in the ranks of the Union and State Rights Party. In taking this position with a party, I find myself, in opinions, at variance with the dearest and best friends of my youth and manhood. The political separation from these is decidedly among the most painful circumstances of my life. However much we may differ in public matters, nothing but unkindness shall ever cloud the recollection of my past life, or impair my admiration for those good and talented men, from whom I am now politically separated. I rejoice that over the affections of the heart, neither parties, for laws, nor constitutions, have any control. These are the free and blessed and eternal gifts of God to man.

The doctrine that the majority shall govern, with all the evils that appertain to it, is better and safer (especially in an age of light and knowledge), as a fundamental principle of government, than the other, where the minority shall control and govern the majority. The ad