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States prevented them from examining it in all its bearings. We then, instead of instructing, encouraging, supporting, are to abandon our colleagues in the moment of danger, and to leave them weakened and dispirited by our loss to the machinations of a subtle and uncompromising foe.

Failing, then, in all these arguments, and driven to the conclusion that their scheme promises neither redress for the past, nor security for the future, as a desperate resort the Secessionists are forced to become prophets, and in this character they assure us that a separate national existence would prove so fortunate to South Carolina that the spectacle of her prosperity would of itself invite and induce the other States to leave the Union and join her.

It is difficult to foresee the consequences which are to result from any radical change of government. England did not anticipate the rule of Cromwell, nor the return of Charles II.; nor did France anticipate the despotism of Napoleon, or the iron yoke of the Holy Alliance, at the commencement of their revolutions. Nor can we, accustomed as we are to our free institutions, realize what will be the state of things in a small State like ours, under rulers who must have at their command a standing army, and, perhaps, a navy. It would be no bold prediction, however, to affirm that our liberties would not be increased under the sway of those passions which have lately been exhibited in our State. Where the counsel of a veteran statesman, who had given his whole soul and energies to the common cause, like Langdon Cheves, is listened to only as an act of courtesy in their own leaders, it is not likely that humbler expostulation would be even tolerated; and it has already been surmised that to dispute by argument even the measures of those who for the time constitute the State, is a political crime. Men who, at the beginning of a revolution, can associate their peaceful fellow-citizens with the horrors of Moscow, are not likely to become more temperate by the increased excitement of its progress.

But passing this by, and assuming that a second Washington will be raised up for us to restrain all extravagancies, let us enter upon the examination of this separate nationality of South Carolina.

The declarations of the officers of the government, together with the activity now manifested at the forts, assure us that secession will not be a peaceful remedy. They intend to hold these forts, if they can, and they intend to consider us as in the Union, notwithstanding our secession. The experience of the past shows that Congress will confirm these views, and will confer on the government all the power necessary to carry them out.

A disturbance of the trade of Charleston, and a removal of its active capital, will be the first visible result. The city of Savannah will complete, in a few months, its connection by railroad with Augusta, and it

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is already in full communication with the interior by Macon. The bulk of our business at Charleston is with Georgia, Alabama, and Tennessee. It is a fact no less lamentable than true, that South Carolina contributes a small proportion comparatively to the import trade of Charleston. The merchant, therefore, will meet his customers and supply their wants with just as much facility at Savannah as at Charleston. The distance to the interior is the same, the facilities equal; and the advantage to Charleston now is, that the capital dwells here. A blockade, however, of Charleston, if it be merely on paper, with the port of Savannah wide open, would at once transfer the whole of this trade. Commerce is always timid, and at Savannah no difficulty would exist; at Charleston the ingenuity of our adversaries would create many; and the first act which Congress would pass would fill the Savannah river with our trade.

What, then, would be the condition of our railroads and other public enterprises? In the outset, the transportation of all the trade transferred to Savannah would be lost; and whatsoever should go by railroad to Auguste must stop at the frontier and be entered at some customhouse on the other side, as from a foreign port; and passengers and goods must become subject to all the vexation incident to such visitation.

2. The next effect visible would be upon all the trades and business which depend upon commerce. The occupations of many must absolutely cease within the city; and the business of all must be greatly diminished. And in regard to the country the extent of injury done must depend upon those over whom we have no control. If Congress should choose to take away from Charleston the privileges of a port of entry, or even without doing this should make other ports more advantageous, the rice and cotton of the planter would have to bear these burdens or find their way to Savannah or Wilmington. The disturbance which would thus be produced between banks and factors, between debtors and creditors, would be of a character which I cannot pretend to foresee. A general result, however, of injury and ruin must follow.

3. An immense immigration would take place of all those who would prefer to remove their slaves into the extensive territory of the other States, before the final consummation of the secession scheme should prevent them; and afterwards a corresponding depreciation of slave property from the inability to remove them to the other States, which secession would produce. The foreign demand even now is considered by the brokers as increasing the price to nearly one hundred dollars a head. The destruction of that demand is a proportionate destruction of value to the whole State. For after secession is consummated no negro can be removed from South Carolina to the other States of the Union.

All these difficulties, great as they are, and many more might be cheerfully encountered, were they compensated by the promotion of the public welfare. But when it shall appear that the state of things from which they arise must involve the country in still deeper distress, they become wholly intolerable.

4. For the next evil which we will bring to view, as incident to secession, is one of the greatest and most fatal. We shall have left the Union because of slavery. We shall, therefore, stand out before the world as the great exponent of that institution. At present, as we too well see, the public opinion of the world is hostile to it; and nations are almost banded together for its destruction. By secession we isolate ourselves from those having the same interests; we divide and weaken the South and we stand out alone before that hostile opinion, exposed by our position, and defenceless from our size. Suppose the philanthropists of Europe should undertake to school us by that same schoolmaster who taught the Chinese that opium-eating was no bad thing, provided the opium came from British Colonies-or who taught Kossuth and his companions to learn the principles of government from a Russian hornbook-what would be our condition? The great object of all government is protection; and where the government itself is too feeble to protect from wrong, it falls into contempt; and to us who have hitherto enjoyed the proud privileges of American citizens, no government could command our own respect which could not command the respect of other nations.

5. And if to secure our extensive coast from invasion, or our commerce from insult, or our slaves from capture, we undertook to keep up an army and navy, this would involve us in still more serious difficulties. I am unable to say what amount of expenditure would be required for us under such circumstances. But, judging by other countries, four millions annually would probably be required. Where could even half that amount be procured? At present our taxes are $300,000. If the remainder is to be made up by direct taxes, we can at once see where that would lead. It could not be made up by commerce while the Federal government was disputing our right to secede. As this state of things would certainly last for several years, whence during that time would the means be derived for carrying on the government of South Carolina? According to the plans of the Secessionists we should have hosts of volunteers from other States to assist them. As guests these must be supported, and that too with no stint. According to the army estimate it takes an average of $400 per man to support the establishment, and at this rate 5,000 of these guests would cost us the moderate sum of two millions a year, without any allowance of the proper douceurs and rewards which such defenders might reasonably expect, or might feel entitled to help themselves to; and should we succeed in mastering the power of the United States and establishing

our independence, whence would be derived the revenues necessary to maintain the independent nation of South Carolina? The Secessionists answer, by duties on imports. Then, of course, they do not propose that South Carolina shall be the flourishing emporium of free trade, which others of the Secessionists picture to the people.

If duties are levied on goods imported into South Carolina, only such goods will be imported as will be consumed in South Carolina; for if goods thus imported should attempt to cross the line into the other States the laws of the United States would stop them and exact the duty which is required there. Hence goods imported into Georgia or North Carolina through South Carolina would pay a duty twice, when, if imported by Savannah or Wilmington, they would pay but once. It follows, then, that the whole expenses of our separate nationality must come out of the goods consumed by ourselves, and consequently would bear upon the people exactly as if they were raised by direct taxes. The only difference is the disguise.

But this is not all. A very large portion of the goods consumed by the people of this State pay no duties at all. The tariff operates to raise prices only where there is competition between domestic and foreign supply. But where domestic competition entirely excludes the foreign article and reduces the price below that at which the foreign article could be imported, clear of duty, it is manifest that the duty is a dead letter. Now a very large portion of the consumption of the South is of this character. Shoes, hats, butter, hay, coarse cottons, horses, mules, and thousands of other articles consume millions of dollars of the annual income of the South, and are imported at present into South Carolina without any duty. Do the Secessionists propose to tax these articles? And if not, a very small remnant is left for the operation of their system of duties; so small that it would be hazarding little to say that not a tenth part of the government expenses could be raised by any duty which has been proposed. And if they propose to tax our hats and shoes, and the other thousand articles of daily consumption, which are now free, the beautiful prosperity of their fancied state of secession will have vanished; and they will find, besides all this, our whole frontier converted into smuggling ground to bring into our taxed domains the free goods of the Union which we should have left behind.

But a far more serious difficulty from the army and navy would be the danger already alluded to, which would be offered to the public liberty. In a small State like ours the temptation to use military power would be very great, and it is hardly to be expected that the great officers would all be Washingtons. History has proved that Syllas and Marii and Catilines can always be found. A small State must have a strong government to be efficient, and in so limited a territory the president or lieutenant-general could easily mark that political decimation would become part of the regular system of government.

6. Finally, let me bring to your view that all history concurs in proving that liberty cannot long be preserved in a consolidated republic. The great balance wheels in our system is the check of the State and Federal governments. All our statesmen-and none more earnestly and energetically than that great and good man, Mr. Calhoun—whom South Carolina has so long followed with confidence, have urged upon us the dangers of consolidation. The great outcry in South Carolina against the Federal government for the last twenty years has been its tendency to consolidation. The real cause of its great power for evil, on the subject of slavery, is that it has, in a great degree, become a consolidated government. And here, in the face of all this, we are advised by the Secessionists to set up an actual consolidated government over a small area of 30,000 square miles, without check or balance-with the whole Federal and State powers of the present government in the same hands. If we secede alone we can, of necessity, have but one Legislature and one Executive. Domestic and foreign policy must be guided by the same hands. Patronage and power-the sword and the purse— must all be delivered to the same chief magistrate; and if, under these circumstances, liberty can be preserved in South Carolina, it must be that every public man is an Aristides, and every citizen a Phocion.

What, then, is the course which South Carolina should pursue, and what is the counsel which the Co-operationists offer?

We ask our people to study the history of the American Revolution, and we recommend them to follow its example. Then, as now, a people foreign to our interests and feelings, assumed the right to govern us. The colonies did not break forth into individual action. But they had the constancy and firmness to wait for each other. For more than ten years the zealous and spirited champions of liberty checked their ardor, until even the most tardy had reached conviction. And let not South Carolina forget that so late as the 1st of July, 1776, she was herself not ready for the final blow. It is a historical fact that when the Declaration of Independence was brought up for action on 1st July, it was postponed at the instance of one of her own deputies, in the Congress of 1776, to give him time to persuade some of his colleagues into the measure. That time was given, and South Carolina, with all her representation, is found in her place in that noble company. So, now, let us have the same consideration for our brethren in the South-let us cease our tauntings -respect their feelings, even though they be prejudices, and remember that nullification has done thus much, at least, for South Carolina: it has enabled her to calculate, with unprejudiced eyes, the value of the Union. In all such enterprises as the present, where a great people are called upon to re-model existing institutions, there must be time allowed. There must first be concert of opinion; next concert in council; then follows concert of action. This is the order of nature, and it cannot be reversed. True wisdom counsels us now to take the proper meas

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