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disputably certain what manner of death she died.9 Plutarch, in the life of Anthony, plainly delivereth, that no man knew the manner of her death; for some affirmed she perished by poison, which she always carried in a little hollow comb, and wore it in her hair. Beside, there were never any asps discovered in the place of her death, although two of her maids perished also with her; only it was said, two small and almost insensible pricks were found upon her arm; which was all the ground that Cæsar had to presume the manner of

whims of sculptors both ancient and modern, resembling the knobhead aud pout ing mouth of the dolphin. While writhing, it seems as if preparing to give a second bite; two minute indents of the fangs were imprinted on the inside of the left breast, and a drop or two of blood flowed. Cleopatra was looking upwards; a shuddering expression from quivering lips, and heavy tears falling down her cheeks, gave the countenance a singular effect; her right hand was falling from the wrist as if life were departing and convulsion commencing. The composition of the figure was erect and judiciously disposed for the confined space it was placed in. The proportion of the picture was about two feet nine inches, and narrow, like that sized canvass which artists in England call a kitcat. On decomposing the colours, the learned men of Florence and of Paris were fully persuaded that it was an encaustic painting; wax and a resinous gum were distinctly separated. The whole picture presented the strongest signs of antiquity; but whether it is a real antique, remains still a doubt on many minds. It was attributed to Timomachus, an artist of great eminence and a traveller, who lived at the court of Augustus Cæsar. He followed the encaustic style of Apelles, and with him died or faded away that difficult art. The picture was painted (as is surmised) by the above-named Greek artist, from memory (for he had seen Cleopatra often,) to supply her place in the triumph of Augustus, when he celebrated his Egyptian victories over Anthony and Cleopatra. She, by her desperate resolution, deprived him of the honour of exposing her person to the gaze of the Roman people. The picture was said to have been taken, as a precious relic of art, by Constantine to Byzantium, afterwards named Constantino

ple, and restored to Rome on the return of his successors to the ancient seat of government. Among the very many things in and relating to art, this picture was overlooked, and remained in the deep dark recesses of the wine cellar. The Chevalier Micheli carried it back to Italy, when he left England, about two years ago. What has become of it since I know not.

"The title of the print is as follows:

Cleopatra, Queen of Egypt. The original of which this present plate is a faithful representation, is the only known and hitherto discovered specimen of ancient Greek painting. It has given rise to the most learned enquiries both in Italy and France, and been universally admitted by cognoscenti, assisted by actual analysis of the colours, to be an encaustic painting. The picture is attributed to Timomachus, and supposed to have been painted by him for his friend and patron, Augustus Cæsar, 33 years before Christ, to adorn the triumph that celebrated his Egyptian victories over Anthony and Cleopatra, as a substitute for the beautiful original, of whom he was disappointed by the heroic death she inflicted on herself. This plate is dedicated to the virtuosi and lovers of refined art in the British empire by the author, who is also the possessor of this inestimable relic of Grecian art.' "I remain your very obedient servant, "R. R. REINAGLE."

"To Mr. S. Wilkin."

9 the thing itself, &c.] The painters have however this justification, that they follow authorities. "Cæsar, from the two small pricks presumed the manner of her death." Suetonius and Eutropius mention one asp; Horace, Virgil, Florus, and Propertius, two.-Ross and Jeff.

her death. Galen, who was contemporary unto Plutarch, delivereth two ways of her death; that she killed herself by the bite of an asp, or bit an hole in her arm and poured poison therein. Strabo, that lived before them both, hath also two opinions; that she died by the bite of an asp, or else a poisonous ointment.

We might question the length of the asps, which are sometimes described exceeding short; whereas the chersæa, or land-asp, which most conceive she used, is above four cubits long. Their number is not unquestionable; for whereas there are generally two described, Augustus (as Plutarch relateth) did carry in his triumph the image of Cleopatra, but with one asp unto her arm. As for the two pricks, or little spots in her arm, they infer not their plurality; for like the viper the asp hath two teeth, whereby it left this impression, or double puncture behind it.

same.

And lastly, we might question the place; for some apply them unto her breast, which notwithstanding will not consist with the history, and Petrus Victorius hath well observed the But herein the mistake was easy, it being the custom in capital malefactors to apply them unto the breast; as the author De Theriaca ad Pisonem, an eye-witness hereof in Alexandria, where Cleopatra died, determineth; "I beheld," saith he, "in Alexandria, how suddenly these serpents bereave a man of life; for when any one is condemned to this kind of death, if they intend to use him favourably, that is, to dispatch him suddenly, they fasten an asp unto his breast, and bidding him walk about, he presently perisheth thereby."

CHAPTER XIII.

Of the Pictures of the Nine Worthies.

THE pictures of the nine worthies are not unquestionable, and to critical spectators may seem to contain sundry improprieties. Some will enquire why Alexander the Great is described upon an elephant: for we do not find he used that animal in his armies, much less in his own person; but his horse is famous in history, and its name alive to this day.3 Beside, he fought but one remarkable battle wherein there were any elephants, and that was with Porus, king of India, in which notwithstanding, as Curtius, Arrianus, and Plutarch report, he was on horseback himself. And if because he fought against elephants he is with propriety set upon their backs, with no less (or greater) reason is the same description agreeable unto Judas Maccabeus, as may be observed from the history of the Maccabees, and also unto Julius Cæsar, whose triumph was honoured with captive elephants, as may be observed in the order thereof set forth by Jacobus Laurus. And if also we should admit this description upon an elephant, yet were not the manner thereof unquestionable, that is, in his ruling the beast alone; for beside the champion upon their back, there was also a guide

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In Splendore Urbis Antiquæ.

1 the nine worthies,] Namely, Joshua, Gideon, Sampson, David, Judas Maccabæus, Alexander the Great, Julius Cæsar, Charlemagne, and Godfrey of Boulogne.

2 Some will enquire, &c.] Ross suggests that "this picture hath reference to that story of the elephant in Philostratus (lib. i, c. 61,) which from Alexander to Tiberius, lived three hundred and fifty years. This huge elephant, Alexander, after he had overcome Porus, dedicated to the sun, in these words,

̓Αλέξανδρος ὁ Διὸς τὸν Αἴαντα τῷ

; for he gave to this elephant the name of Ajax, and the inhabitants so honoured this beast, that they beset him round with garlands and ribbons.-Arcana, p. 160.

3 but his horse, &c.] There is an engraving of Alexander on Bucephalus, from an antique statue, without stirrups, in the Youth's Magazine, for May, 1820. -Jeff.

or ruler which sat more forward to command or guide the beast. Thus did King Porus ride when he was overthrown by Alexander; and thus are also the towered elephants described, Maccabees ii, 6. Upon the beasts there were strong towers of wood, which covered every one of them, and were girt fast unto them by devices; there were also upon every one of them thirty-two strong men, beside the Indian that ruled them.

Others will demand, not only why Alexander upon an elephant, but Hector upon an horse; whereas his manner of fighting, or presenting himself in battle, was in a chariot," as did the other noble Trojans, who, as Pliny affirmeth, were the first inventors thereof. The same way of fight is testified by Diodorus, and thus delivered by Sir Walter Raleigh. "Of the vulgar, little reckoning was made, for they fought all on foot, slightly armed, and commonly followed the success of their captains, who rode not upon horses, but in chariots drawn by two or three horses." And this was also the ancient way of fight among the Britons, as is delivered by Diodorus, Cæsar, and Tacitus; and there want not some who have taken advantage hereof, and made it one argument of their original from Troy.

Lastly, by any man versed in antiquity, the question can hardly be avoided, why the horses of these worthies, especially of Cæsar, are described with the furniture of great saddles and stirrups; for saddles, largely taken, though some defence there may be, yet that they had not the use of stirrups, seemeth of lesser doubt; as Pancirollus hath observed, as Polydore Virgil and Petrus Victorius have confirmed,* expressly discoursing hereon; as is observable from Pliny, and cannot escape our eyes in the ancient monuments, medals, *De Inventione Rerum, Varia Lectiones.

4 upon the beasts.] Yf wee reckon but 300lb weight for every man and his armour and weapons (which is the lowest proportion) and allowing for the tower and harnessing, but 5 or 6001h more, the burthen of each elephant cannot be esteemed less than 10,100b weight; which is a thing almost incredible: for 4,000 or 5,000 is the greatest loade that 8 or 10 strong horse are usually put to drawe.-Wr.

chariot.] The use of chariots and (in warr) of iron, and in private travayle of lighter substance is as olde as Jacob, as appeares Gen. xlv, 27. And in Gen. xiv, 7, the text sayes, that Pharoah had in his army 600 chosen chariots, besides all the chariots of Egypt. Now the former of these two storyes was 500 yeares before the Trojan war, and the later 300.-W'r.

and triumphant arches of the Romans. Nor is there any ancient classical word in Latin to express them. For staphia, stapes, or stapeda, is not to be found in authors of this antiquity. And divers words which may be urged of this signification, are either later, or signified not thus much in the time of Cæsar. And therefore, as Lipsius observeth, lest a thing of common use should want a common word, Franciscus Philelphus named them stapedas, and Bodinus Subiecus, pedanos. And whereas the name might promise some antiquity, because among the three small bones in the auditory organ, by physicians termed incus, malleus, and stapes, one thereof from some resemblance doth bear this name; these bones were not observed, much less named by Hippocrates, Galen, or any ancient physician. But as Laurentius observeth, concerning the invention of the stapes or stirrup-bone, there is some contention between Columbus and Ingrassias; the one of Sicilia, the other of Cremona, and both within the compass of this century.

The same is also deducible from very approved authors. Polybius, speaking of the way which Annibal marched into Italy, useth the word Beßnuáriora, that is, saith Petrus Victorius, it was stored with devices for men to get upon their horses, which assents were termed bemata, and in the life of Caius Gracchus, Plutarch expresseth as much. For endeavouring to ingratiate himself with the people, besides the placing of stones at every mile's end, he made at nearer distances certain elevated places and scalary ascents, that by the help thereof they might with better ease ascend or mount their horses. Now if we demand how cavaliers, then destitute of stirrups, did usually mount their horses, as Lipsius informeth, the unable and softer sort of men had their avaßoxes, or stratores, which helped them upon horseback, as in the practice of Crassus, in Plutarch, and Caracalla, in Spartianus, and the later example of Valentinianus, who because his horse rose before, that he could not be settled on his back, cut off the right hand of his strator. But how the active and hardy persons mounted, Vegetius resolves us, that they used to

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De re Milit.

VOL. III.

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