II. OF R.] The General Appropriation Bill. [MAY 2, 1834. both weight and fineness were provided for, and the mo- exported American coin to the amount of all that was now ney was to be received only at its true and actual value, in the country. The appropriation bill of the present neither more nor less. He admitted that if our own session contained an item of 58,671 dollars to cover the coinage was sufficient in amount to meet the debts of our annual expenses of our mint: why should so large a sum population, there would be no necessity for such a bill as be expended every year in coining dollars only to be the present; but instead of being equal to the amount re-exported? If this bill should become a law, the value of quired by the business transactions of the country, it fell foreign coins would immediately be raised; and as the $400,000,000 short of it. Our own coinage did not ex- people would not take them from the banks at this enceed $4,000,000; would gentlemen leave their constitu-hanced valuation, the banks of course would retain this ents with but one-quarter of a cent to pay a debt of a dol-foreign money, and export our own. This was the nelar? The South American coinage now supplied three-cessary and natural result. The Government would do, fourths of the circulation of the world, and yet in this in respect to our own silver coin, what was at present country we had no legal use of it. Ought such a state of done in regard to our gold. Under such an arrangement things to continue? Surely not. Let the money be re- they never could get more, but rather less, of our own ceived, but only at its actual value. As to the burden of coinage into circulation, because they in fact offered a proof, it was certainly a just presumption that the coin premium of half per cent. upon its exportation, and retendered was of the proper weight and fineness, and the stricted that of foreign dollars to precisely the same proof that it is not ought to be thrown upon the person amount. refusing the tender. But in practice such a case scarcely Mr. WHITE, of New York, now proposed that the ever occurred. The bill, he was very sure, would meet further consideration of the bill be for the present postthe approbation of the business men. Almost the whole poned. He said that the gentleman who had just spoken, commercial community was crying out for some such ar- and himself, had the selfsame object in view, viz: to rerangement as the bill provided. He hoped it would be-tain the circulation of our own coinage in the country, and come a law. to send the foreign money abroad; by which means we Mr. S. JONES advocated the bill. The gentleman should retain the balance of value. He agreed that the from Pennsylvania, [Mr. COULTER,] he observed, was un-fifty-eight or sixty thousand dollars now annually exder an impression that there could be no need of passing pended on coining at the mint was little [better than such a bill as the present, because the foreign dollars thrown away, and would be, so long as the present law passed currently from hand to hand, at least in some continued in force. The origin of the present bill was parts of the country. It might be very true that this to be found in a fact which took place in the city of New sort of coin passed by courtesy; but if a man was disposed York: the Branch Bank of the United States, in that city, to be troublesome, he might refuse to receive it, and the with two millions of specie in its vaults, had a sum of fif bill was necessary as a means of compelling him. The ty thousand dollars to pay, and offered Mexican dollars at coins were not at present a legal tender; and if a man their real value, and they were refused. Another of the insisted upon standing on his rights, he could create a banks there, out of six hundred thousand dollars in coin, great deal of embarrassment and difficulty. This bill which lay in its vaults, had twenty-five thousand dollars in would prevent the banks from troubling their creditors; these foreign dollars. The same was the case in all our or the people, on the other hand, from perplexing the commercial cities. Those who had framed and introbanks, by obliging both to receive the coins tendered at duced this bill had the sanction of all the banks in New their true value. Mr. J. regretted that the operation York, Boston, and Philadelphia, in favor of the measof the bill was to be confined to a period of three years. ure, besides the personal experience of such of them as He saw no need of any such limitation, nor could he per-were engaged in business. ceive the good consequences of restricting the tender to Mr. DENNY said that he was not entirely satisfied with sums over $100; but he should not insist upon these objec-all the provisions of the bill. He had no objection to it tions. The gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. COULTER] as far as it went; but he was opposed to this species of was opposed to the bill, because it enabled the banks to legislation. It was not for the benefit of the country in pay $100 with only $991 in these coins of South America. general, but only to remove the difficulties experienced But if the $99 of Mexican coinage was really equal in by the banks in our great cities. He admitted that it was value to 100 of our own dollars, where was the injustice? beneficial to banks, merchants, and brokers who dealt in If the two sums were of equal value, where was the harm large amounts of money. He wished to see its benefits of exchanging the one for the other? They would both more extended; he wanted them to be dispensed to the command the same amount in gold. If the Mexican coin interior as well as the Atlantic cities.. Let the benefit was purer, it was worth more, and ought to pass for pervade the whole country, and be equally enjoyed evmore. The bill prescribed no limit to the measure of its ery where. As the bill now stood, it certainly could not fineness; it only set a limit below which it must not have the effect of retaining our own coin; because it gave pass; and the coin, in fact, was always of this degree of currency to a foreign coinage which must displace our fineness. No injustice, therefore, was done on either own. Every man would rather pay his debts in foreign silver, because he would save half per cent. by it. He hoped the bill would be amended. hand. The question being put on Mr. WHITE's motion to postpone the bill, it was carried, and the bill was laid over accordingly. GENERAL APPROPRIATION BILL. Mr. KING, of Pennsylvania, said that there was one objection to this bill which had not been mentioned. Its real purport was to raise the value of foreign coin in the United States. Hitherto, when silver coin had been ex ported, it had always been the fore gn coin, and not that of our own coinage. But this bill would enable the banks to pass money of this description for more than it was worth, Mr. POLK asked the consent of the House to proceed and of course our own dollars, being of less value, would to the consideration of the appropriation bill. go abroad, while the foreign were retained in the country. Mr. ADAMS, of Massachusetts, wished, he said, before The present importation of silver was from six to seven the House resumed the subject, to obtain some informamillions: the exportation would of course be to the same tion on the item now under consideration, and objected amount, as our own silver would not be needed for circu- to the motion. lation. The mint had been in operation long enough to Mr. POLK moved to suspend the rules for the purpose coin twice the amount of American dollars now in the of proceeding to the consideration of the bill, and it was United States. The inference was that we must have agreed to. MAY 2, 1834.] The General Appropriation Bill. [H. of R. The House then went into Committee of the Whole on ciple of economy; and hence our rule has ever been to the state of the Union, (Mr. HUBBARD in the chair,) up-maintain no diplomatic relations with any foreign Power, on the general appropriation bill, the following clause unless there be special occasion for it. being under consideration: "For the salaries of the charges des affaires to Portugal, Denmark, Sweden, Holland, Turkey, Belgium, Brazil, Buenos Ayres, Chili, Peru, Mexico, Central America, and New Granada, fifty-eight thousand five hundred dollars." As I wish to satisfy the committee that I do not prefer any unreasonable request, I will beg leave to refer to the course of our diplomatic proceedings at the first organization of the Government. In the year 1791, two years after the adoption of our constitution, before we had any ministers abroad, PresiMr. ADAMS rose and said: I observe that in this bill dent Washington, on the 14th of February, sent a mesthere are provisions for seven charges des affaires to sage to the Senate, informing that body that he had emSouth America, besides one to Belgium. And I have ployed a private informal agent (Gouverneur Morris) to included this in the inquiry I put to the honorable chair- conduct a negotiation with the British Government. He man of the Committee on Foreign Relations, because the did not nominate him at that time as a minister. Afternewly instituted kingdom of Belgium is itself a novelty wards, on the 18th of February, in the same year, he sent in the political world, and we have never before had an another message, stating that he had set negotiations on item of this description in our appropriation bills. We foot with the Portuguese Government, (at which Court have already a mission in the Netherlands, that is, to Hal-we had already had a charge sent out under the old land. And the kingdom of Belgium is a mere separation Congress.) In this message he proposed Mr. Humphreys of a portion of the territory lately included in the United to be commissioned as minister resident, a grade of minisNetherlands, erected into a kingdom of the fourth or fifth ter which, in the diplomatic scale of European Governrank in Europe. We have had commercial relations with ments, is reckoned of a rank between a charge and a that country, of the greatest importance, ever since the minister plenipotentiary. A minister of this rank, rather foundation of this Government; and a diplomatic mission than a full minister, was preferred by President Washhas been maintained there much of the time since our ington on considerations of economy. He was of a highmissions abroad were first instituted. But it was never er grade than a mere charge d'affaires, and not as high considered as a country of the first order; and, therefore, as a minister of the first grade; and his compensation, at we have seldom kept there a minister of higher rank than a charge d'affaires. Now the kingdom has been divided into two, and we have two charges, at a joint cost to the Treasury of a minister of the highest rank. that time, was the same with what is given now to a charge. The Portuguese Government did not choose to negotiate with a minister of no higher rank than a charge d'affaires, and a resident minister was resorted to as the cheapest that would answer the purpose. Mr. Humphreys was confirmed by the Senate. I cite this case as I do not doubt it is in the power of the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs to give the House such information as may induce us to consent to the item as en-one which goes to show that this principle of economy tirely proper; and I have the less reason to doubt this, as has been fundamental in our policy ever since the foundaI see that there is a charge here from that kingdom. Still tion of the Government. it is no more than proper that the House should be in- The next mission established was that to France-a formed why it is judged necessary to establish permanent Court where Mr. Jefferson had already been residing for relations between that country and this. And it is the three or four years, but had obtained leave of absence more proper, because with Austria, one of the first coun- and come home, and was at that time Secretary of State. tries in Europe, an empire containing from twenty to From that period to 1792 we had no minister but a thirty millions of people, and claiming the first rank in charge at that Court. In 1792, a very critical period, the scale of European states, we have never had any di- being that of the extremest heat of the first French revoplomatic relations. At no time since the declaration of lution, President Washington nominated Mr. Gouverneur our independence have we had even a charge residing at Morris minister plenipotentiary to France. The nominathat Court, with the exception of an appointment, during tion met with objections in the Senate; the subject was the revolutionary war, of a minister who was not received; referred to a committee, and they reported that, in their nor have we had any mission to Germany, nor to the Re-opinion, there was a special occasion for a mission to public of Switzerland--a nation with whom, on general London. A motion was thereupon made that it was inprinciples, we might, as republicans, be expected to sym- expedient to appoint a minister plenipotentiary to any pathize more than with any other people of the old foreign Government. This resolution was offered immeworld. Yet the Swiss Cantons have ministers at the other diately on the back of the President's nomination, so that Courts of Europe, and receive ministers in return. it would seem there was not much of the collar at that I might mention other countries to which similar re-time. Members felt no scruples then at bringing formarks would apply. We have had missions for many ward resolutions in open opposition to the opinions and years at the Courts of Sweden, Denmark, and Prussia. purposes of the President of the United States, thought We have now no minister at the Prussian Court, although that President was George Washington. The Senate, as that kingdom maintains a charge with us. I mention will appear by what I shall now read to the committee, these cases with a view to show that it has never been advised and consented to the mission recommended by the principle of this Government to have missions in Eu-President Washington, on the proof being furnished to rope unless there is special cause for them. The princi- them that there was special occasion for it. ple on which we have thus abstained has been that of Mr. ADAMS here read from the Executive journal of the economy alone; for, were it not for the expense, it would Senate, of 6th January, 1792: doubtless be considered expedient to have missions to every Government in Europe. It is with reference to this principle that I have made the present inquiry-a principle which is fundamental in the practice of this Resolved, [by yeas and nays, 16 to 11,] That the SenGovernment; I mean fundamental in its policy, not in the ate advise and consent to the appointment of Gouver constitution; for there is nothing in the constitution to neur Morris, of New York, to be minister plenipotentiary prevent our maintaining five hundred foreign ministers, if for the United States at Paris, conformably to the nomiit were deemed expedient. Prudential considerations nation in the message. Resolved, That a special occasion now exists for appointing a minister plenipotentiary to the Court of France. And, on the 12th of January, 1792, have prevented it, first on the part of the Executive, and The same course was pursued as to the mission to Lonthen on that of Congress. We have looked to the prin-don. The Senate settled the principle that they would 3915 H. OF R.] GALES & SEATON'S REGISTER The General Appropriation Bill. [MAY 2, 1834. But, not sanction a mission to any foreign Court, unless it should in fact, almost all the diplomacy of the country. first be proved to them that there was a special occasion although his question has this very extraordinary extent, I should not be indisposed, nor, as I hope, unprepared, for it. Then he recommended a minister resident at the Hague: in some good degree, to answer it, were it not for a A resolution was moved that physical indisposition, which must disable any man (una minister of lower rank. there existed no present occasion for such a minister. less, indeed, it be the honorable gentleman from KenOn which resolution there was a tie, 13 to 13; and the tucky, Mr. CHILTON) to respond at large to such an inquestion was decided in the affirmative (that is, advising quiry. I might certainly, and that without just censure, and consenting to the appointment) by the Vice Presi- refuse to take the attitude of respondent on this occasion; dent. This confirms still more the principle I assumed, nor do I assume it under any conviction of duty, but volthat there should be no appointment unless a special ne- untarily, from the desire which I at all times feel to comcessity should be made to appear. Although, in respect ply with the wishes of the very highly respectable memto France and England, the necessity was so obvious that ber who has made the inquiry. little difficulty occurred, yet, as to Holland, there was an even vote. This was one of the principal reasons why have asked the honorable chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations to show us some occasion for this mission to Belgium. The gentleman from Massachusetts had said that, if there was any body in that House who assumed the ground that, in calling for an appropriation for foreign intercourse, the onus probandi did not lie on the Executive, he was confident that it would not be myself. Now I With regard to the South American missions, one rea- can only take this compliment, which I certainly esteem son why I desired to have the vote deferred was, that I very highly, as intended to have reference to my fidelity might have an opportunity to look at the documents, and to the trust reposed in me, in the station which it is my to show from them that it has ever been the sense, both lot to occupy. Yet I am compelled to declare that, in of this House and of the Executive, from the time our reference to the greater part of the missions provided for diplomatic relations were first formed, that a necessity in this bill, the burden of proof lies not on the Executive, And why? To what departmust be shown before a foreign mission might be estab. who asks for the money, but on a member of the House lished; and further, that when that necessity should cease, who advocates its refusal. I wished to show that ment is it that the constitution has confided the duty of the mission should also cease. such was the sense of Mr. Monroe and of the House of deciding what shall be the diplomatic relations between All on the this Government and Governments abroad? Are we parRepresentatives during his administration. principle of economy-a principle which, I hope, we ties participant in that duty and its correspondent obligaWe certainly should be; and coequal with the have not discarded; or, if we have, that we shall speedily tion? President in this department of the public service, were return to it. On this ground it is that I wish the honorable gentle- the principle advanced by the gentleman from Massaman from Virginia [Mr. ARCHER] to show us reasonable chusetts well founded. That gentleman goes upon the I have no ground that, before any foreign mission should be estabcause for all these South American missions. And is that the doubt the reasons he shall show will be entirely satisfacto- lished, the subject must first pass under our review, and ry with respect to two or three of them, especially that have our approbation and concurrence. to Mexico. That country lies immediately upon our theory of the constitution? Suppose a certain foreign own border, and there are obvious reasons which render mission has been submitted to the Senate, approved by it expedient and proper that we should always have a them, and in existence for years, are we to presume that But I wish the gentleman to that mission is improper, and not to appropriate for it minister at that republic. turn his attention to those states which have no ministers until the contrary shall be shown? To put such a quesBut there are tion is to answer it. And it would be sufficient, in answer with us. From Mexico we have one. others of these Governments which have not, and never, to an inquiry so large as that which has been propounded at any time, have had a minister in this country. Why to me by the honorable gentleman from Massachusetts, to say of all these missions but two, that it has been the do we keep up diplomatic relations with them? judgment of the Executive department that they are expedient and proper, and that we have ministers now resident at these several Courts. reasons. As to Buenos Ayres, the question is peculiar: it is a I ask the gentleman to different case from all the rest. tell the committee what has become of our quarrel with What, sir, can a Government like ours, maintaining Buenos Ayres. It was of such a nature that our charge d'affaires, the brother of my honorable colleague over the numerous diplomatic relations with foreign Governments, way, [Mr. BAYLIES,] thought it proper to demand his pass-on both continents, justly be required to re-prove every ports and come home-a step which is usually considered year the necessity of providing for each of its missions as the signal for war between nations; a step for which abroad-missions, the propriety of which has long since I trust the gentleman will be able to give satisfactory been decided, and which have been maintained without But I want to understand the present state of interruption for a series of years. Surely such a requirethat affair. We know nothing, as a House, of our rela-ment must be pronounced useless, if not wanton, and No communica- might be repelled as an outrage upon a co-ordinate detions with these South American states. tion has been made to us on the subject; the whole sub-partment of the Government. I therefore say again, I, for one, want that I should be fully authorized to answer, that those ject is altogether unknown to us. some information; and I ask it from the honorable chair- to whom the constitution has assigned the authority to But, though that answer woud be suf man of the Committee on Foreign Relations, because I judge, have decided that we ought to have ministers at have had some experience which leads me to conclude those Courts. ficient, and though I could, on this subject, appeal to that I cannot get it elsewhere. the authority of the gentleman from Massachusetts himself, I will not take that ground. What did the gentleThat there were other man say but a moment ago? The gentleman is Courts, where we were now unrepresented, where we ought to have ministers resident. right. It is undoubtedly true, and nothing but a terror of that temper on the part of this House, which the present debate has so clearly exemplified, has prevented our having before now a diplomatic representative near the Mr. ARCHER, in reply to Mr. ADAMS's inquiry, answer ed, in substance, as follows: I feel such an extreme degree of respect for my friend from Massachusetts, that I am obliged by his declaration, however it may contradict what I had previously thought, as I had supposed that that honorable gentleman was the very last man in the House who stood in need of the inI understand formation for which he had applied to me. his inquiry to be so very large in its terms that it covers, MAY 2, 1834.] The General Appropriation Bill. [H. of R. Austrian Government-a Government which is not only I put it to the gentleman from Massachusetts, if we had one of the most important upon the continent, but one received a message from the President, stating that such which has manifested a disposition to preserve and extend a request had been made by the Belgian Government, commercial relations with this country, and has even gone but that he had refused to send any minister, what would so far as to send a person to the United States with the that gentleman have said? Above all, what would he express view of negotiating a treaty with us. I hope we have thought and said had the President given as a reashall, before long, be represented at that Court; and son for his determination that the mission would cost this am authorized to say, that, though that kingdom posses-country $4,500 a year? We have now here a minister ses but one commercial port, it is the desire and purpose from Belgium; we have with that country a great and of this Government to enlarge our commerce with her. growing commerce; and this appropriation is for a mere Should this take place, a minister will be indispensa- charge. Suppose the money should be refused, and the ble to conduct and watch over the interests of that com- advances of the Belgian Government repelled, will it not be a breach of the comity of nations? may it not lead to the interruption of our commerce? or at least to an augmentation of their tariff on our products? Would the President be justified in hazarding these consequences for the sake of saving an annual salary of $4,500? What would be the judgment of every sober-minded man upon such policy? It would pronounce a merited sentence of unequivocal condemnation. merce. It is with the most unaffected surprise that I find any gentleman, above all, a gentleman so able, so enlightened, and so experienced as the gentleman from Massachusetts, and one who, as every body in this country knows, has ever been remarkable for attaching a very high value to the importance of diplomatic relations, should advance an objection on this floor which goes to sweep away the entire diplomacy of this country, except as it relates to I come now to the provisions for the South American one or two Courts. For what has this Government in- missions. I could not but feel a good deal surprised that stituted foreign relations at all? Is it not mainly for the the gentleman from Massachusetts should be the person interests of commerce? Our social economy, and the to object to the appropriation for these missions, when peculiar structure of our Government, have secured to he was himself at the head of that administration under every man in this country the full and exclusive fruits of which all the diplomatic relations we have with these his own industry; but to what use is this, unless some states were originally instituted. Nor did we then, as mode should be provided, by which the benefits result is now proposed, maintain only a charge d'affaires at ing from his industry and enterprise may become avail- these Courts. When that gentleman's administration came able? If it were not for commerce, there would be little into power, they found three full ministers commissioned motive for a Government, situated as ours is, to maintain to South American Powers; and, so far from their disapany diplomatic relations whatever. We send missions proving the arrangement, the honorable gentleman conabroad, to propose to other nations terms of commerce, tinued all these missions, and continued to fill them with to facilitate commercial intercourse, to reduce tariffs, and ministers of the same grade. I mention this, not as any thus prepare the way for the mutual enterprise of two imputation against him. I know, indeed, that many unfriendly Powers. Am I to be told that a nation like this, founded censures were heaped upon him for this part of the richest save one upon the face of the globe, whose the policy of that administration. (I made many remarks commerce is spread abroad over every sea, must suffer upon it myself, which I should be glad of an opportunity this highest interest of her citizens to languish, rather to disclaim.) The committee doubtless recollect that than appropriate the sum of $38,000? This is all that is one of the questions which then agitated this country asked for this whole array of missions, which has excited was, whether this Government ought or ought not to so much solicitude in the mind of the honorable gentle-recognise the independence of the South American reman from Massachusetts. publics. We did recognise it; and, in my judgment, we In reference to Governments where we have long had did wisely. Mr. Monroe, to give the greater effect to missions, and with whom we have extensive and valuable the recognition, sent ministers to those Powers, as he commercial relations, it is manifest we must have agents had a perfect right to do. And it was certainly a sound to watch over them. With respect to Belgium, I will tell line of policy. It was so on two grounds: first, as it tendthe gentleman why an item for that Government has been ed to establish their independence; and, secondly, as it inserted. It is well known that this country has had, for promised to extend our own commerce, and to secure to a long series of years, an important commerce with Hol- our citizens important advantages in trade. Such a conland. Belgium is a portion of what formerly passed un-nexion with this country was viewed by those states der that name, but has been recently erected in a sepa themselves as an object of importance; nearly all of them rate Government. applied for it; they were anxious that diplomatic relaIf our interests with the two portions of that country, tions should be established between us; and we conceded when conjoined, were deemed worthy of preservation, to them what they had asked for. Does the gentleman why are they not equally so with each portion as now from Massachusetts recollect that the independence of separated? Can it be that our interests with one of those states has not, to this day, been recognised by the those Governments is not worth the expenditure of 4,500 Court of Spain? and that the good offices of this Govdollars a year? And what is this new state of which the ernment have been exerted to effect that object? Are gentleman from Massachusetts speaks so contemptuous- we to abandon the objects for which we instituted these ly? It is a state which occupies one of the most impor- relations in the first instance? Are we to disregard our tant stations in Europe--the ancient theatre of continen- community of interest with these states in a trade and tal wars, and the subject of complicated and protracted commerce equally beneficial to both? And for what? negotiations. The Belgian Government has sent its To save a few thousand dollars. I said that our commeragents to us, intimating a wish that diplomatic relations cial relations were mutually beneficial to both parties. should exist between the two Governments; and shall This, however, is true only to a certain extent. The we, when the Government of so rich and fertile a coun- chief benefit is on our side. We had commercial obtry, possessing such a commercial port as Antwerp, and jects to secure, in first instituting these missions. Those with which we already hold an extensive commercial intercourse, proposes to us the establishment of friendly relations, refuse to meet its advances, and put at hazard all the advantages we might gain, for the sake of avoiding the expenditure of $4,500 a year? Powers had none. They possessed little or no commerce; and what little they had was all contraband. And does the gentleman from Massachusetts think that a nascent commerce, still in its infancy, but rapidly increas ing, does not need to be more assiduously watched over H. OF R.] The General Appropriation Bill. [MAY 2, 1834. than one which has attained to the full vigor of establish-up diplomatic relations with that Government at an exed permanency? The gentleman cannot be aware that pense the honorable gentleman seems to shudder at. It the possession of the rising commerce of those South will cost us $4,500. American states is an object of earnest competition and Mr. ADAMS here interposed, to inquire why it was rivalry among the European Powers. He must know that, although the bill contained provisions for seven that Great Britain in particular, from having been too charges des affaires, there was none for Colombia? The open and unguarded in showing her extreme eagerness gentleman said our relations with that republic were of to secure the boon, has become the subject of extreme such great value, how was it that, while he argued to jealousy on that ground; insomuch that the republic of show the necessity of our having a minister there, he Central America, in particular, has become almost hos had inserted no provision for one? Two years ago, intile to the British Government. Their commerce, fed, deed, it was true that this republic of Colombia could not as it will be, by one of the richest countries on earth, is be found; now it seems the gentleman had found out expanding in geometrical progression; and are we to where it was. Why was it omitted in the bill? abandon such an object for the pitiful sum of $4,500? I Mr. EVANS said that it certainly was not proper that shall read to the committee a statement of the amount of matters of so much consequence should be acted upon our existing commerce with these Powers: and then I with so thin a House. He observed that many gentlewill put it to the gentleman from Massachusetts to say men would vote to go into committee at 12 o'clock, who whether a trade like this is to be sacrificed to the rivalry never appeared in the House again till about 5 o'clock, of foreign Powers. when they came in to vote stoutly against the rising of the committee. He believed the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. ARCHER] was willing that the subject should be postponed, and he trusted that the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. ADAMS] would also consent to wait a little fore moved that the committee rise, that the House might longer for the information he had asked for. He thereproceed to the business on the Speaker's table. Mr. A. here submitted the following statement from the Treasury Department: S'atement of the imports from, and of the exports to, the Netherlands, (Holland,) Belgium, Mexico, Colombia, and the several South American States, in the year ending on the 30th September, 1833. Netherlands, Belgium, Mexico, Colombia, Central America, Brazil, Argentine republic,| Chili, Peru, Imports. Exports. Domestic. Foreign. Total. Mr. POLK requested Mr. EVANS to withdraw his motion; but he refusing to do so, the question was taken, and the motion was negatived: Ayes 57, noes 75. Mr. ADAMS said that, as the republic of Colombia had been discovered, why, he asked again, was it not named in this bill? The gentleman thought it a Power of sa $1,166,856 $1,634,353 722,409 $2,356,762 of the highest grade. Where was it? He did not read much importance that we ought to send there a minister 139,628 644,112 361,499 1,005,611 5,452,818 1,649,314 3,751,777 5,401,091 it in the bill. TREASURY DEPARTMENT, Register's Office, May 15, 1834. 957,543 Mr. ARCHER said that it was in the bill. The mistake 575,016 was on the side of his honorable friend from Massachu5,089,693 2,474,555 797,566 3,272,121 setts. The republic of Central America had been broken 1,377,117 494,391 205,337 699,728 into three distinct states, viz: Venezuela, New Granada, 334, 130 730,140 733,800 1,463,940 and Ecuador. The Government did not ask for a mission 654,630 to that country, and strange indeed it would be if it had not done so. Mr. A. was told by our former minister there (Mr. Moore) that living at Bogota was very expensive, and the salary of even a full minister would be none too large; it was proposed, however, to allow for a charge only. The gentleman would find in the bill an With regard to the republic of Central America, (con-item for a charge to Venezuela. So far was the Govtinued Mr. A.) so strong is the feeling of dislike towards ernment from being chargeable with extravagance in its the English that every facility is open to an advantage-appropriations for South America, that the gentleman ous treaty with this country. But it is very difficult for seemed now disposed rather to complain of it for having us, or any other Power, to get a minister there, because omitted to put more in the bill. When the item for Cosuch is the unhealthiness of the region through which lombia had formerly been proposed, it was suggested as they must pass, that the most of those who set out for that an objection that the whole republic did not contain a sinCourt die upon their way.. gle seaport. This ground must now be abandoned; as, T. L. SMITH, Register. I remember that this subject of the republic of Colom-since the republic had been discovered, it had also bia occasioned a somewhat amusing scene in this House been ascertained to possess many very important seaports. a few years ago. The whole House, including such men Mr. A. would take this opportunity of reading to the as my honorable friend from Massachusetts, was at that honorable gentleman a list of them, together with a statetime wholly ignorant of the geography of this new state. ment showing the population of each of these states One member inquired what were its commercial rela-as ascertained from the best sources within his reach; as tions? And this led to an inquiry from another, as to also the trade, as taken from the last returns to the what were its ports? or, whether there was a single com- Treasury. mercial port belonging to that Government? None could answer these inquiries, because none knew with precision what were the territorial limits of that state. not know them--the Department of State did not. I am now better prepared; and if the gentleman from Massachusetts wishes to propound the same inquiry he put to me on that occasion, I am in circumstances to answer it. Its ports are numerous, and its trade so im-1 portant, that it is obvious to any one acquainted with the facts, that the avenues to that trade should be kept open to our citizens. But this can only be done by keeping] I did But |