degree, and inspired hopes that difficulties might be surmounted. The fear of new commotions died away; the courts were no more impeded.” 1

Public peace was gradually restored, and more enduring confidence was placed in the government. Even the hardiest of the criminals, the leaders in the late insurrection, even Parsons and Shays, convinced of their error, preferred petitions for pardon and indemnity, and their prayer was granted. Thus the measures of the government had been completed in success; the people approved of these measures, and the insurgents regretted the part they had taken in the affair, and craved forgiveness. Still, the rebellion was deeply and justly regretted, as a stain upon the character of the people of the state; but it afforded an opportunity to show the strength of a republican government, and the union of firmness with clemency in the rulers served to attach the citizens more strongly to the constitution, and to convince them of the necessity of a supreme civil authority in the commonwealth.

1 Familiar Letters, 13.

CHAPTER XIX.

ADOPTION OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION.

ON the 14th of May, 1787, about fifty delegates, representatives from eleven different states, met in convention in the State House in Philadelphia, in the same hall where the Declaration of Independence was adopted, for the purpose of framing an independent constitution.

The convention sat with closed doors; and not even a transcript of their minutes was permitted to be made public. The various disturbances in different parts of the land had shaken the faith of many in the power of the multitude to govern themselves. Said Elbridge Gerry, in the convention, "All the evils we experience flow from an excess of democ racy. The people do not want virtue, but are under the dupes of pretended patriots; they are daily misled into the most baleful measures of opinions. What was most to be desired was a central government, which would give security to all the states, and at the same time not conflict in its powers with their rights." It was found to be no easy matter to arrange satisfactorily the representation in the two branches of the proposed government. The smaller states were alarmed, lest their rights should be infringed upon by the overwhelming majority of members coming from the larger ones. This difficulty was removed by constituting the Senate, in which the states were represented equally, without reference to their population; each being entitled to two members, while in the House of Representatives the

states were to be represented in proportion to their population. After four months of labor, during which every article of the proposed constitution was thoroughly discussed, the draught was finished and signed by all the members present, with the exception of Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts, George Mason and Edmund Randolph, of Virginia. This result was not obtained without much discussion; and at one time, indeed, it was feared that the Convention would dissolve, leaving its work unfinished. Then it was that Franklin now in his eightieth year, and who thirty years before, at a convention in Albany, had proposed a plan of union for the colonies arose and suggested that they should choose a chaplain to open their sessions with prayer. “I have lived a long time," said he; "and the longer I live the more convincing proofs I see of this truth, that God governs the affairs of men. And if a sparrow cannot fall to the ground without his notice, is it possible that an empire can rise without his aid?" At length the Constitution was presented to Congress, by whom it was submitted to the people of the states for their approval or rejection.

On the 9th of the following January, a convention in Massachusetts "for the purpose of assenting to and ratifying the constitution recommended by the grand federal convention," met at Boston. The three hundred and fifty members of this body were among the most eminent men in the state. Governor Hancock was chosen president of the convention, Judge William Cushing vice president, George Richards Minot, Esq. secretary, and Jacob Kuhn messenger.1 The sessions of the convention were held at first in the Brattle Street Church; but "on account of the difficulty of hear

For nearly fifty years Mr. Kuhn served as messenger to the General Court.

ing," this house was "found inconvenient," and the convention therefore adjourned to the representatives' chamber, in the Old State House, and from thence, at a later date, to the "meeting-house in Long Lane." At the instance of Caleb Strong, afterwards governor of the state, the preliminary motion was voted, "that this convention, sensible how important it is that the great subject submitted to their determination should be discussed and considered with moderation, candor, and deliberation, will enter into a free conversation on the several parts thereof, by paragraphs, until every member shall have had opportunity to express his sentiments on the same; after which, the convention will consider and debate at large the question whether this convention will adopt and ratify the proposed constitution, before any vote is taken expressive of the sense of the convention upon the whole or any part thereof." 2

A long discussion was held relative to biennial elections. Dr. Taylor contended that the practice of annual elections "had been considered as a safeguard of the liberties of the people, and the annihilation of it the avenue through which tyranny would enter;" and the Hon. Mr. White declared that "he would rather they should be for six months than for two years." In reply, Governor Bowdoin affirmed that "if the revolution of the heavenly bodies was to be the principle to regulate elections, it was not fixed to any period; as in some of the systems it would be very short, and in the last discovered planet it would be eighty of our years. General Brooks, with large wisdom, observed that no instance had been cited in which biennial elections had proved "destructive to the liberties of the people;" that the Parliaments of Great Britain had been triennial and septennial,

Since known as the Federal Street Church.

* Debates, 25, 26.

"yet life, liberty, and property, it was generally conceded, were nowhere better secured than in Great Britain." The friends of biennial elections were more numerous than the opponents of the measure, and consequently carried the day. A long debate also took place on the mode of choosing representatives on property qualifications, and on the "three fifths clause." The subject of slavery was also considered.

"The members of the southern states," it was said, "like ourselves, have their prejudices. It would not do to abolish slavery, by an act of Congress, in a moment, and so destroy what our southern brethren consider as property. But we may say, that although slavery is not smitten by an apoplexy, yet it has received a mortal wound, and will die of consumption." 1 When the ninth section of the first article of the constitution was read, "Mr. Neale, from Kittery," we are told, "went over the ground of objection to this section, on the idea that the slave trade was allowed to be continued for twenty years. His profession, he said, obliged him to bear witness against anything that should favor the making merchandise of the bodies of men; and unless his objection was removed, he could not put his hand to the constitution. Other gentlemen said, in addition to this idea, that there was not even a provision that the negroes ever shall be free; and General Thompson exclaimed, Mr. President, shall it be said that, after we have established our own independence and freedom, we make slaves of others? O Washington! what a name has he had! how he has immortalized himself! But he holds those in slavery who have as good a right to be free as he has. He is still for self; and, in my opinion, his character has sunk fifty per cent.'

2

1 Debates, 68.

2 Debates, 143, 144.