with twelve hundred chosen men, well armed, attacked the American flotilla of five boats on Lake Borgne, and captured it, but not without a severe contest and heavy loss of men. This disaster afflicted, but did not dismay General Jackson. On the 16th he reviewed the militia, and harangued them with a contagious ardour of patriotism.

Resistance on the lakes being at an end, the enemy was expected to advance without much further delay. Expresses were sent off in quest of General Coffee, to whom his commander wrote, "You must not sleep until you arrive within striking distance. Innumerable defiles present themselves where your riflemen will be all important." On the night of the 19th December, Coffee encamped, with eight hundred men, within fifteen miles of New Orleans; having marched eighty miles the last day. In four days, Colonel Hinds, with the Mississippi dragoons, was at his post; having effected a march of two hundred and thirty miles in that period.

Jackson was not long in discovering the truth of what had been communicated to him by the governor of Louisiana, that "the country was filled with British spies and stipendiaries." He suggested to the legislature the propriety and necessity of suspending the privilege of habeas corpus. While that assembly were deliberating slowly upon their power to adopt the measure, he proclaimed the city of New Orleans and its environs to be under martial law, and established a most rigid military police. The crisis did not admit of any other system, consistently with the public safety; and happy it was that the commander did not want either sagacity or decision. When a judge of the United States' court determined to try the question of supremacy between the civil and military power, he arrested the judge and ordered him to leave the city. "I must be brief, there is treason." On the 21st December, General Carroll reached General Coffee's encampment four miles above the city, from Nashville, with two thousand Tennessee yeomanry.

On the 22nd, the British were accidently discovered emerging from the swamp and woods about seven miles below the town. In spite of all the precautions taken to guard the most dangerous avenues, treachery found out for the enemy a narrow pass, Bayou Bienvenu, through which they reached the banks of the Mississippi. On the 23d, at one o'clock in the afternoon, positive information of their landing was brought to Jackson. He resolved to meet them that night. Generals Coffee and Carroll were ordered to join him, and arrived, in two hours, with their forces. As he was marching through the city, his ears were assailed with the screams of a multitude of females, who VOL. 1.-No. 1.

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dreaded the worst consequences from the approach of the enemy. Say to them," exclaimed he to a gentleman near him, "not to be alarmed; the enemy shall never reach the city." [TO BE CONCLUDED IN OUR NEXT.]

POLITICAL RETROSPECT.

THE subject which, at this moment, attracts by far the greatest share of attention in the political world, is the severe blow inflicted on the interests of popular government in Europe, by the triumph of the Bourbon arms over the constitutional forces of Spain. The unfortunate events that have recently occurred in that country, have given to the league of despots which has denominated itself holy, but whose unholy intentions are well known to the world, an increase of strength and influence over the affairs of nations, which has cast a gloom over the feelings of all liberal men. This gloom is naturally proportioned to the brightness of the hope so generally entertained for nearly three years past, that liberty had at length obtained a secure footing on the European continent; and, that the force of enlightened principles, operating on all ranks in society, had set to the pretensions of arbitrary power, a barrier, the invincibility of which, monarchs themselves would be obliged to admit.

When, in the year 1820, the Spanish and Portuguese nations, threw off the shackles of arbitrary government, and were imitated in their successful efforts, by the people of Naples, the friends of human welfare exulted in the prospect thus held forth, for the extension of liberal principles, and they ardently hoped that the era had, at length, arrived, when the autocrats of the earth would be obliged to yield to the influence of enlightened opinions, and grant to their fellow men those natural rights of which they had so long deprived them.

These revolutions were remarkable for the moderation and freedom from blood-shed with which they were accomplished. This was another, and a very gratifying cause of triumph for the friends of freedom. The clemency manifested by the revolutionists to their ancient and inveterate enemies, was exultingly contrasted with the harshness and cruelty, with which

arbitrary rulers are accustomed to treat those who venture to oppose them. But the chief cause of congratulation was the proof thus obtained, that nations may reform their government, and establish freedom on the ruins of arbitrary power, without running into the excesses of anarchy and bloodshed.

This was a great point gained for the cause of revolutionizing bad governments. The monstrous atrocities committed by the leaders of the French revolution, had prejudiced the minds of many enlightened and well-meaning men, against the practice of reforming national abuses by the force of the people. Many who were lovers of liberty in the abstract, and who would have sincerely rejoiced to see all mankind in possession of their just rights, had become opposed to the doctrine of forcible resistance, when undertaken by the lower orders against long established authority. In their opinions such revolutions were only another name for pillage, massacre, and every description of barbarous atrocity by which men can disgrace themselves, and inflict cruelties on each other.

Such persons, forming a numerous and influential class of men, withdrew their weight from the cause of the people, and some of them threw it altogether into the scale of arbitrary power, not from inclination, but from a dread of the evils with which any attempt to produce a change might be attended.

The moderation with which the revolutions of the South of Europe, in 1820, were conducted, served to bring many of these wanderers back to the fold of liberty. They saw that it was possible for the people to demand their rights, and to wrest them from unrighteous rulers, without the use of racks, gibbets or guillotines. They rejoiced in the discovery; human nature recovered its character in their estimation; and the cause of liberty obtained a valuable augmentation to the number of its adherents.

Its enemies, however, were powerful; and they resolved to check the progress which it was so rapidly making in the world. The potentates accordingly met and agreed that the first blow should be levelled at Naples. It was not necessary that they should congregate their forces for this purpose. Naples was not a formidable power. She was the immediate neighbour of

Austria, whose ruler was one of the most bitter and bigotted of the combined despots. To Austria, therefore, the charge of forcing her again under the talons of tyranny was assigned. One campaign was sufficient for the purpose, and so far as respected Italian liberty, the alarm of the sovereigns of the holy league was quieted.

But they resolved not to rest here. Their success against Naples encouraged them to extend their views; and having denounced the free constitutions of Spain and Portugal, they assigned to France the task of their overthrow. That she has succeeded but too well, the history of our times will record; and that the despotic ruler whom she has restored to authority, is, according to the custom of all despots when in power, determined on taking a severe revenge on his opponents, the fate of the gallant Riego, and of the many thousands of banished patriots, who are now seeking a refuge in foreign lands, from the reach of his iron sway, bears ample testimony.

Some sanguine spirits, however, would fondly believe that all hope for the cause of liberty in Spain, should not be yet abandoned. They insist that, although the blaze of freedom's fire be suppressed, its warmth is not extinguished, and at least its embers are alive. It is true, that a few gallant patriotic chiefs are yet in arms; and a faint hope may be indulged that the ferocious cruelty of Ferdinand may once more arouse the strength of the Spanish nation to a resistance which may accomplish the final destruction of his intolerable yoke.

This, however, is but barely possible; and, for our own parts, we see only one chance remaining for the Spaniards, and that is the interference of Great Britain. Divided among themselves, and deceived as they were, by many of their leaders, the resources of the Spanish patriots seem nearly exhausted. At this moment, scarcely a remnant of them remains unsubdued. Britain alone possesses the means of assisting them with effect. To her, therefore, the eyes of the whole civilized world are at present anxiously turned. The feelings of her people are strongly in favour of the Spanish cause; and, her government too, especially since the death of Castlereagh, have manifested a predilection on the same side. She protested against the right

of the holy allies to interfere with the internal policy of Spain or any other country; but she, at the same time, declared, and has hitherto maintained, a strict neutrality between the contending parties. In so doing, she evidently consulted her commercial interest, rather than her political feelings; but late accounts represent her as assuming something of a more warlike attitude. Unusual bustle is going on in her navy yards. Squadrons are fitting out, and collecting for some enterprise. Her sword and her purse are evidently about to be employed for some important purpose. If it shall be for that of humbling the oppressors of Spain, we shall rejoice in the resistlessness of the one, and the exhaustlessness of the other.

From some sentiments expressed in the excellent message of our President at the opening of the present Congress, it would appear, that our executive is not disposed to look with indifference on the attempt which the restored despotism of Spain threatens, with the assistance of the allied sovereigns, to make against South American liberty. We are much gratified at this official and explicit avowal of Mr. Monroe's sentiments on this subject. We are sure that they will find a response in the bosoms of all his fellow-citizens; and that if it should even come to the extremity of opposing in military array the crusaders against the rights of men, and the independence of nations, our people will readily acquiesce in the generous measure, and cheerfully contribute both men and money in its support.

We are no advocates for unnecessary wars; but we cannot think that lending aid to an abused, insulted, and unjustly oppressed neighbour, who is unable to defend himself, an unneces-, sary cause of hostility against the oppressor. Selfish, inhuman and unjustifiable in our view, would be the looker-on who could be prevented from interfering in such a case, merely from the narrow-minded consideration that his own personal safety is not implicated in the quarrel. Resistance in self-defence merits neither praise nor blame; but, the generous spirit, who will rush between the oppressed and his persecutor, and make the quarrel of the innocent and the helpless his own, deserves the applause which will for ever flow spontaneously and warm from the hearts of all good men.