is a system framed exclusively for the benefit of Britain, founded on a thorough knowledge of her interests, and adapted solely to her particular advantage. There may be patriotism, but there is not much philanthropy in its motive. It may be nationally wise, but it is nationally selfish. A generous solicitude for the rights of man and the independence of nations, has had nothing to do in suggesting it. Mr. Canning would call such a principle of action Quixotic, and utterly unbecoming so cool and calculating a cabinet as that which now presides over the destinies of England. But a time was, when what is now called in England, Quixotism, would have received the name of generosity; when her statesmen would have considered principles to be as worthy of the support of a great and noble minded nation as interest. Yes, England has before now rescued the weak from the strong. Elizabeth feared not to provoke the terrors of the Spanish Armada by assisting the Dutch, and Anne preserved the same people from sinking beneath the formidable power of Louis the Fourteenth. The ardent and chivalric spirits of Chatham and of Burke, would have scorned to prefer pecuniary considerations to the glory of defending the weak, and arresting the progress .of unprincipled ambition.

But in these latter days there is no chivalry in politics; we have now no Lion-heated Richards at the head of governments, and it is, perhaps as well that we have not. To blame the ministers of England, therefore, for making the interests of their own people, whose industry and enterprise entitle them to the prosperity they enjoy, their chief concern, may be wrong. They see that the governments of all nations, with whom they have any connexion, follow the same course; and to adopt another, they may suppose, would be to abandon the highest duty which their situation calls on them to perform. We could heartily wish that they had drawn the sword in favour of the Spanish constitutionalists. It would have beeen for the benefit of mankind had they done so ; but that it would not have been for the benefit of England, the prevailing consideration with Mr. Canning and his colleagues, is scarcely questionable.

While on this subject of generosity actuating the councils of nations, we cannot but advert with pride to the tone of several

passages in our President's late Message, as being an exception to the usual cold-heartedness of such official communications; and, in particular, as forming a pleasing contrast to the cautious and spiritless tenor of the speech of the British King. Mr. Monroe was indeed remarkably happy in seizing on the time when he might display the magnanimity of his sentiments and feelings as a philanthropist, in perfect consistency with his duty to the particular nation over whose affairs he presides. In this respect, he was certainly more advantageously circumstanced than the British King; but that he had the sagacity and the energy to avail himself of this advantage in the manner he did, is creditable to himself, and has reflected honour on his country.

Every account latterly received from the Greeks is of the most cheering description. They are going forward in their march to a permanent independence with a rapidity that must be truly mortifying to the Randolphites who lately treated their efforts with such contempt, while to Webster and his Ibieral minded coadjutors, it must communicate feelings of the most delightful exultation. Notwithstanding the croakings of the congressional opponents of the Greeks, so persuaded are the moneyed men of London of the final triumph of their cause, that they feel no objection to take the bonds of their new government as sufficient security for millions of money. Ought not the representatives of the most liberally governed people on earth-a people whose chief magistrate lately spoke to the world concerning the Greeks in a style which made every generous American proudought they not to be ashamed, when they reflect on the cool disheartening evasion with which they declined passing a vote of encouragement to the heroic exertions of the descendants of the most illustrious republicans that ever adorned the annals of mankind? But enough of this humiliating subject. We cannot trust ourselves on it, for we become warm whenever it recurs to our recollection.

Our Congress has now before it several subjects of great national importance, among which the tariff, and the abolition of imprisonment for debt, are the most generally interesting. On the tariff, we must, for the present, refrain from expressing our

sentiments, because we have not space to enlarge sufficiently on the subject, and we are unwilling on such a question to perform only half-done work. On the subject of imprisoning debtors there seems scarcely any but one opinion to exist. We are indeed astonished that so useless and inhuman a relic of feudal jurisprudence, should have been so long tolerated in a country which has in so many instances displayed its freedom from prejudice, and emancipated itself from the barbarities of the Gothic code under which our ancestors groaned.

The ill-fated caucus system of making Presidents, has been doomed, through the imprudence of its own adherents, to undergo a scrutiny and a flagelation in the Senate of the United States, which we hope will have the effect of opening the eyes of many who yet remain prejudiced in its favour, to the unconstitutional and anti-republican tendency of its character. Mr. Hayne deserves much credit for the patriotic zeal and ability which he displayed on this occasion. There was only one argument advanced by its advocates, which he did not triumphantly refute, merely because he did not advert to it. Had he tried it, ho would have found it to dissolve into empty nothing, at the touch of that sound reason, which he has proved that he possessed the ability of applying to it. The argument to which we allude, is that so frequently used, of the benefit which caucusing on one occasion conferred on the country by securing a democratic ascendency in the government. But Mr. Hayne might have told those who eulogized its former usefulness, that even then, when it did most good, it was but a useful evil-it was the employment of a dangerous remedy for the extirpation of a more dangerous disease. But now when the system of our government is in sound health, it is surely preposterous to continue an application so manifestly possessed of such deleterious qualities.

But if a medical illustration should not have been sufficient to convince their opponents, the friends of the constitution might have also adduced a very powerful one from history. When the Dictatorship was first introduced into Roman polity, it was a necessary evil; but it saved the Commonwealth, and was several times resorted to in cases of emergency. This institu

tion, however, useful as it several times was, became at length the destruction of the constitution, and enslaved the people. In the hands of Cincinnatus and of Fabius it was a protection to the nation, but in those of Sylla and Cæsar, it destroyed its liberties. In like manner a caucus may have once saved us from the grasp of despotism, only to worm itself so much into our favour as to enable it to become itself despotic.

We are obliged to be brief, and shall conclude these remarks by observing, that Mr. Barbour's confidence in the bridge that carried him once safely over the stream, might happen to be misplaced, for time makes great alterations in the stability of such structures, as well as in the expediency and propriety of political measures. The bridge that bears the passenger safely to day, may deceive him to morrow, and by giving way beneath his weight, hurry him to irretrievable destruction,

EXPLANATION OF THE ENGRAVING PREFIXED TO THIS NUMBER.

The engraving with which the present number of this Maga zine is embellished, represents an incident in our history which has peculiar claims to the attention of Americans. It is the first appearance in public life, of him whose career through it, was attended with results more glorious and more useful to his country, and perhaps to mankind, than that of any other human individual known to history-the illustrious Washington. This interesting event is related very circumstantially in the novel of the Wilderness, from a passage in which, the artist has obtained his idea of the design which his pencil has delineated in a manner, in our opinion, highly creditable to both his taste and his talents. The drawing represents an interview between Mr. Dinwiddie, Governor of Virginia, and Washington, under circumstances of a peculiar nature, and on a subject of more than ordinary interest to the country. In order that the reader may the more perfectly comprehend the subject, it may be useful to recall

to his memory a few of the most prominent features which then characterized the political aspect of the times.

The immense and fertile region which lies west of the Allegany Mountains, had become an object of contention between the crowns of Great Britain and France. The servants of the latter power had been the more forward in pushing their pretensions, and had actually taken possession of Western Pennsylvania, by fortifying themselves on the banks of French Creek. They had also, by studiously gratifying the humours of the savage nations who were then extremely numerous in the contested territory, being almost its sole occupiers, made the most warlike and powerful of them, their firm friends and allies.

These proceedings could not be viewed but with much dissatisfaction by the British colonists, who considered the country thus siezed upon, as belonging exclusively to their own nation. A number of merchants, principally of Philadelphia, therefore, associated together for the purpose of occupying the territory around the head of the Ohio, as an eligible position from which not only to repel the encroachments of the French, but to establish commercial connexions with the Indians. A company of men were in consequence sent out to form the intended establishment. They had selected their station, and were building their fort, when a strong band of savages in the French interest, attacked them, and almost totally cut them off.

This outrage naturally made a great noise, not only throughout the British colonies, but even in Europe, and was in reality the spark that kindled the subsequent war, in which, after the defeat of General Braddock, the British nation put forth its strength with such irresistible effect as compelled France to purchase peace, by a surrender of all her possessions on this continent, north of the Ohio.

However, before making a national quarrel of the dispute between the Ohio company and the French, it was thought requisite, from a proper regard to justice, and the interests of humanity, to demand an explanation from the aggressors of their conduct and designs. For this purpose Governor Dinwiddie was instructed by the British Ministry to send an envoy to Fort Le Beuf, the name of the principal French station in the