constitution should take its place, and be organized in its stead; and to that unmistakable expression of the people's will every good citizen was bound to yield. But all history shows that when men, either justly or unjustly, become clothed with political authority, they part with it with extreme reluctance; physical force has almost always been necessary to transfer political power from one class of men to another. The natural propensity of mankind was strengthened in this case by another consideration. The state had, for a long time, been governed exclusively by freeholders, and those who held important offices in the government of the state had always opposed every effort made by the nonfreeholders to obtain their political rights; and as the number of non-freeholders was known greatly to exceed the number of freeholders, it required no prophet to tell that unless the non-freeholders could be brought to accept the franchise as a special favor from the government, the old official incumbents would not be likely to be retained in office. This was the source, and the only source, of that danger, which the Rhode Island authorities saw and so much feared; not a danger which threatened the interests of the state or the people, but which threatened to bring down the office holders from their high places, and consign them to private life. Such men now entertained a most fastidious regard for "law and order," and were sorely pained at the thought that the state was in danger of being disgraced by allowing the sovereign people to wrest the government from their hands, and place it in the hands of men of their own choosing.

CHAPTER VI.

REASONS FOR BELIEVING THE CHARTER GOVERNMENT то BE HELD BY A MINORITY. THE NEGLECT OF THE PEOPLE'S LEGISLATURE TO TAKE POSSESSION OF THE PUBLIC PROPERTY, AND ITS CONSEQUENCES CONSIDERED. AN EXTRACT FROM THE JOURNAL OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

WE have seen that, as early as the 4th of April, 1842, two or three weeks before an election took place under the people's constitution, the chief magistrate of the State of Rhode Island applied to the president of the United States for assistance to put down the government which the people were preparing to organize under the constitution which they had just adopted. The charter authorities well knew that theirs was a minority government, and they were well aware of their inability to resist the free will of an intelligent people, and therefore took the early precaution to engage assistance from abroad, notwithstanding they had at the same time the full possession of all the public property

the control of the treasury, the keys of the state house and court rooms, the command of the arsenal, and the control of the prisons-notwithstanding they had both the sword and purse firmly clinched in their own hands. With all these advantages on their side,

they publicly declared to the president and to the world that, unless they had assistance from abroad, their government was in danger of being overthrown by the people under their own constitution. These facts, which cannot be denied or hushed out of sight, go to establish the point, beyond all controversy, that the number in favor of the people's constitution far exceeded the number of those who were opposed to it. It is obvious that while the people were left free to follow the plain dictates of their own convictions, before they were. drawn away by promises, or terrified by threats,three fourths, at least, chose to lay aside the old charter, and submit the government of the state to a written constitution of their own making. The wonder is, that an intelligent and resolute people did not sooner rise in their might and shake off the cords by which they were enslaved.

On the day previous to the organization of the legislature under the people's constitution, Mr. Dorr and the members elect of his legislature held a speciál meeting for deciding upon measures proper to be pursued. It had been already ascertained that the state house in Providence had been closed and barred against them, and the great question to be settled was, Should they proceed to take immediate possession of that, and all the other public property of the state, or should they suffer it to remain in the hands of their opponents? Mr. Dorr strongly urged the propriety and necessity of taking the former course; and it is presumed that no one now, friend or foe, will say that that advice was not judicious; but he and others, who thought as he did,

were overruled, and that all-important step was not taken. Here was a fatal mistake, which no subsequent measures could remedy. Had Mr. Dorr's advice prevailed, the people's government would by that single step have become master of the forces and finances of the state, and instead of being a government in form only, it would have been a government in fact and in power, respected at home and abroad, and might have regarded with indifference any measures which the national executive might adopt. For nearly half a century the people of Rhode Island had been striving to obtain their just political rights. The momentous question had become wrapped up in the decision of a single hour the die was cast, and the cause was ruined. This was the cruel rock upon which the ship was lost. From that moment an unbroken train of disasters followed, Had the course been pursued which Mr. Dorr pointed out, no important opposition would have been made to his government, and many of those, who, in his reverses, were most anxious to destroy him, would have been among the foremost to seek for honor and patronage under his government.

No one who witnessed the powerful military escort and long procession of citizens which attended the inauguration of the government under the people's constitution could doubt for a moment the ability of Governor Dorr at that time to take undisputed possession of all the public property of the state. Those who voted for the members of that legislature expected that they would really and fully assume and exercise all the powers and functions of a de facto government.

This was their imperious duty. No timid, irresolute man, no one panting for empty distinction, should have been there to assume the responsibilities of that important occasion: this was no time for vain show and empty boasting. None but men of high motives and undaunted courage should have mingled in the deliberations of that momentous crisis. Before the legislature convened, many honest but timid men had become terrified and induced to desist from all further proceedings; and now, when the whole party saw their legislature ingloriously shrink away into a private hall to exercise the high functions of a state legislature, they were disappointed and disheartened. The tide, which before had only slackened, instantly began to ebb with irresistible force. High-minded men could not be proud of a government so meek and so powerless; they could not be persuaded that this was the government for which they had labored so ardently; and in view of that spectacle, hundreds retired in disgust from the party. The following is an extract from the Journal of the House of Representatives, which met in Providence on the 3d day of May, 1842.

JOURNAL OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, first held in the City of Providence, under the Constitution of said State, on Tuesday, the 3d day of May, in the year 1842.

On this third day of May, 1842, (being the first Tuesday of said May,) the House of Representatives of said state, elected under and by virtue of the constitution of said state, met, and proceeded to its organization by a vote that the Hon. Dutee J. Pearce, of Newport, take the chair for that purpose.