them, but in the political organization, or actual existing government, and that they cannot correct the defects in the original organic forms of government, or cannot abolish them and substitute others in their places, without the consent of the existing government, what defence have they against the encroachments of those in power, either by actual and forcible usurpation, or false and insidious construction of the fundamental law? What ramparts exist against the approaches of despotic power? In what does the doctrine that the people cannot resort to their ultimate right of sovereignty, without the consent of the existing authorities of a state, as contended for by the president of the United States, differ in substance and essence from the divine right of kings, openly preached in the dark ages of European despotism?

The committee feel more deeply the importance of this subject of their investigation, from the great and imminent danger which now threatens the invaluable conservative principle of popular sovereignty, upon which, in their humble belief, the whole fabric of the American system of republican government is reared. They have seen, with deep regret and anxious alarm, the principle for which they are contending openly scoffed down and repudiated by one of the great political parties into which the people of this country are divided. They have seen it smothered by the leaders of that party in the Senate of the United States, who refused to listen to the complaints of the aggrieved people of Rhode Island, or to make an effort to stay the executive arm of the government, when it was unlawfully levelled against them and their cause. (See the speech of Mr. Allen, of Ohio, in the Senate of the United States, on the Rhode Island question, page 257.) And, lastly, they have seen one of the leaders of that party, now their acknowledged candidate for the highest office in the gift of the American people, arraying himself against the

cause of free government, and denying and repudiating, in his open approval of the course of the president in the late difficulties in Rhode Island, the great principle upon which all free governments must be founded, viz., THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE. When the committee witness the spectacle of a large and powerful party, individually and collectively, through its organized political bodies, and its head and leader avowing openly and undisguisedly doctrines inimical to the liberties of the people and the principles of free government, they cannot but be deeply alarmed for the safety and perpetuity of our republican institutions. Therefore it is, that they look upon the question presented to the House and the country, by the people of Rhode Island, as the most solemn and momentous in its character of any that has arisen since the American revolution. On its decision by the American people depends the ultimate fate of free governments, and the weal or woe of countless millions destined to fill the places which we fill, and in their appropriate time become the watchmen and guardians of the temple of liberty, and the venerable and sacred monuments which it contains.

The committee are aware that it is alleged against the investigation in which they have been engaged, that no good can result from it. It is urged that the events which have given rise to it are past and gone, and no practical results can be attained by agitating the matter at this day. It is urged that, even if it were to appear that the people of Rhode Island were right in the principle they contended for, no remedy could now be extended to them; and, therefore, it is best that the wrongs they have suffered should be permitted to slumber undisturbed in the dark tomb of events, which have lived their brief moment, and passed away to be buried and forgotten. But is it not of some consequence that the great principle involved in the suffrage movement

should be defined and settled, even if no other benefit can result from this investigation? Is it not of the utmost importance that the people of the several states of this Union should be apprised of the views of Congress (which has an ultimate supervision over all their constitutions) in relation to the great question of their right to change and reform them, that they may know how far they may be permitted to exercise this right, and in what mode, and under what restrictions? It is for the want of this very knowledge that a large majority of the people of Rhode Island have been involved in all the consequences of alleged treason, and many of them actually indicted and prosecuted, with a view to subject them to its terrible penalties. It is for the want of this knowledge that they have been denounced as rebels and insurgents, and have been conquered and subdued by the government which they believed was ruling over them without right, aided by the military power of the Union.

The people of Rhode Island, in common with the whole body of the American people, confided in the assurance contained in the Declaration of Independence, that they had a right to alter or abolish existing forms of government, and institute other forms in their places. They saw this great right proclaimed in the constitutions of twenty of the sovereign states of this Union; they saw it promulgated, in clear and emphatic terms, by all the great writers upon the subject of free government; and they had no doubt it was their right. And is it for a moment to be supposed that the majority of the people of a state, comprising in its ranks many of its best and purest citizens, would have incurred the perils of treason, and exposed themselves to the odious. charge of insurrection and rebellion, and all their train of penalties, persecutions, and disgrace, on the pretence of exercising a great right, without entertaining an hon

est and sincere belief that they possessed it? And, if they have not this right, is it not due to justice and humanity that these deluded people should be disabused of their delusions, and taught the unwholesome truth that they are the subjects of government, and not its. sovereigns, and that they cannot meddle with its fundamental forms, without first obtaining the consent of those who happen to possess, for the time being, the offices and power of government? In the belief of the committee, it is due to the unfortunate people of Rhode Island, whose honest motives have led them to incur the sufferings and persecutions of which they are now the victims, as well as to the American people at large, who may, from the same view (true or mistaken) of their rights, incur the same penalties and persecutions, to settle the question of the right of the people over their governments, which hitherto they have supposed existed in their own consent, and were instituted for their own benefit. For this reason, if no other could be assigned, the committee believe the investigation with which they have been charged will be attended with beneficial results, not only to the people of Rhode Island, who are immediately interested, but to the people of the whole Union, whose rights are involved in the issue of this question.

And they exult in the belief that their views and opinions touching the important matters involved in this inquiry have been so decidedly expressed as to leave no doubt in relation to their character. They do not hesitate to avow, in the most emphatic terms, their profound and conscientious conviction that the people of Rhode Island were right in the principle on which they acted in their late effort to establish a republican constitution in place of the old charter, under which they had so long lived. They believe that the doctrines promulgated by the president, in relation to the rights of the people in such cases, and the aid given by

the executive of the United States to the charter authorities, by which they were enabled to conquer the people and suppress their government, are at war with the great principle which lies at the very foundation of free government, and not warranted by the constitution. The committee believe that the president, in sustaining the pretensions of a government which had been abolished by the people of Rhode Island, and which held its power by direct and flagrant usurpation, has inflicted a blow upon the cause of popular rights, for which a long life of meritorious service cannot atone. And that the evil example set in this matter by the executive may not hereafter be regarded as a precedent for similar invasions of the rights of the people, on the part of those who may be clothed with the dignity and power of the presidential office, they recommend to the House to impress upon it the seal of its most decided and emphatic condemnation.

In accordance with the facts found in the matter submitted to the committee by the House, and the principles endeavored to be maintained by them, they report, for the consideration of the House, the accompanying resolutions.

Resolved, That all free men, when they form the social compact, are equal; and that no man, or set of men, are entitled to exclusive, separate, public emoluments or privileges from the community.

Resolved, That all power is inherent in the people, and all free governments are founded on their authority, and instituted for their peace, safety, and happiness; and for these ends they have at all times an unalienable and indefeasible right to alter, reform, or abolish their government, in such manner as they may think proper.

Resolved, That the sovereign power of the State of Rhode Island is inherent in the people thereof; and that they have at all times the unalienable and indefeasible right to alter, reform, or abolish their govern