parent state of Mexico, and the native Indians, for the purpose of subjugation and expulsion, and to sustain the twin abominations of Slavery and the Slave-trade, which the Mexican empire, to its great honour, had totally and for ever abolished. Will any Englishman, Irishman, or Scotchman, subject himself and his family to degrading contact with the atrocious system of slavery? Will he take arms in its support, and to sustain the domination of men, alike destitute of conscience, and of honour? Can any man, voluntarily placing himself in such circumstances, expect the blessing of God on his undertaking?

"For further information, see a pamphlet entitled 'Texas,' by John Scoble, published by Harvey and Darton, 55, Gracechurchstreet, London, price 6d.

"On behalf of the Committee,

"J. H. TREDGOLD, Secretary."

It is said that an anti-slavery spirit lies dormant in Texas at this moment, and Mr. Kennedy, to substantiate this idle assertion, puts forth the following extract from a speech of the ex-president of Texas, Samuel Houston:

"Not unconnected with the naval force of the country is the subject of the African slave-trade. It cannot be disbelieved that thousands of Africans have lately been imported to the island of Cuba, with a design to transfer a large portion of them into this republic. This unholy and cruel traffic has called down the reprobation of the humane and just of all civilized nations. Our abhorrence to it is clearly expressed in our constitution and laws. Nor has it rested alone upon the declaration of our policy, but has long since been a subject of representation to the government of the United States, our ministers apprising it of every fact which would enable it to devise such means as would prevent either the landing or introduction of Africans into our country.

"The naval force of Texas not being in a situation to be diverted from our immediate defence, will be a sufficient reason why the governments of the United States and England should

288 HOUSTON'S SLAVERY PRINCIPLES DEMONSTRATED.

employ such a portion of their force in the Gulf as will at once arrest the accursed trade and redeem this republic from the suspicion of connivance, which would be as detrimental to its character as the practice is repugnant to the feelings of its citizens. Should the traffic continue, the odium cannot rest upon us, but will remain a blot upon the escutcheon of nations who have power, and withhold their hand from the work of humanity."

It would be well if these fine sentiments were carried into execution by Samuel Houston, or any other members of the Texan community who have it in their power to rid themselves of the "accursed" trade in human blood "and the suspicion of connivance," which is certainly as detrimental to the character of a republican people as it is said "to be repugnant to their feelings."

I

agree with Mr. Kennedy, "that there would be no more occasion for "cheap little books with illustrative cuts" that are "sent across the Atlantic, where they receive fresh circulation and call forth the indignant denunciation of the excellent persons who essay to regulate the world by periodical resolutions at Exeter-hall;" but will it be believed that the very man from whose lips this eloquent speech in question fell, is the slave-master of his own son by a native American of African origin! This young man—a slave-the offspring of the ex-president of the republic of Texas-pays to his father, Samuel Houston, a monthly pittance for the privilege of practising his profession as a hair-dresser, &c., in "the flourishing city of Galveston." This young man's house is nearly opposite to the Tre

MR. KENNEDY'S SLAVERY IN ITS MILDEST FORM. 289

mont House, where he may be seen, the bondage victim of his own parent! by all future travellers. Mr. Kennedy, instead of recording such facts as these, defends slavery in Texas, by informing us that "negro slavery never existed in a milder form than it does in the United States." Slavery in the mildest form! What does the appointee of her Majesty's government mean? The then trustee for the liberty of the slave, here plainly says that there are gradations in slavery, and such as ought not to be tolerated by the British people, who paid twenty millions for the total abolition of it. At that period we were ignorant that slavery had its philanthropic gradations, until illuminated by the labours and anxious observations of Mr. Kennedy. Perhaps that gentleman would furnish us with the name of the planter or planters who preserve slavery" in its mildest form." Acts however oppressive, however cruel, according to this logic, must not be complained of, if done in the mildest form.

We never heard a client of Jack Ketch's at the Old Bailey complain of his operation because it was executed, as Mr. Kennedy would say, in the mildest form. To give some illustration of this slavery in its mildest form." A female slave in New Orleans attracted my attention and excited my deepest sympathy by one of the most barbarous exhibitions of which the mildest form of slavery consists. I observed her carrying the child of a planter, after its mother, with an iron collar round her neck, not having

U

the mildest form of protection even enjoyed by an English bull dog, that of having the spike outside to prevent a larger dog injuring him; but this unfortunate slave had the points of the collar inversed, so that every motion of her neck when she dared to contemplate the visage of this little urchin-whose sire was no doubt an advocate of Mr. Kennedy's slavery in its mildest form-caused the sanguinary vesicular of this painful instrument to draw blood from the young slave, who once hung upon the breast of a mother as fond, nay, I will say without comparison, fonder, than this tigress mother of the little urchin she was then carrying. If this be Mr. Kennedy's mildest form, may Heaven preserve us from his voracious one! but from any form of Mr. K.'s, I repeat the same prayer.

But to return to the "figment" of which he complains. I feel proud, as an Englishman, to have it in my power here to record the Address of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, presented by a benevolent and high-minded Englishman, Mr. Joseph Sturge, to the President of the United States.

ADDRESS TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,

"SIR,-As the head of a great confederacy of states justly valuing their free constitution and political organization, and tenacious of their rights and their character, the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, through their esteemed coadjutor and representative, Joseph Sturge, would respectfully approach you, in behalf of millions of their fellow-men held in bondage in the United States. Those millions are not only denied

the political immunities enjoyed by the citizens of your great republic generally, and the equal privileges and the impartial protection of the civil law, but they are deprived of their personal rights: so that they cease to be regarded and treated, under your otherwise noble institutions, as MEN (except in the commission of crime, when the utmost rigour of your penal statutes is invoked and enforced against them), and are reduced to the degraded condition of 'chattels-personal' in the hands of their owners and possessors, to all intents, constructions, and purposes whatsoever.'

"This is the language and the law of slavery; and upon this law, guarded with jealousy by their political institutions, the slaveholders of the south rest their claim to property in man. But, Sir, there are claims anterior to all human laws and superior to all political institutions; claims which are immutable in their nature—claims which are the birthright of every human being, of every clime and of every colour-claims which God has conferred, and which man cannot destroy without sacrilege, or infringe without sin. Personal liberty is amongst these the greatest and the best, for it is the root of all other rights, the conservative principle of human associations, the spring of public virtues, and essential to national strength and greatness.

"The monstrous and wicked assumption of power by man over his fellow-man which slavery implies, is alike abhorrent to the moral sense of mankind, to the immutable principles of justice, to the righteous laws of God, and to the benevolent principles of the gospel. It is, therefore, indignantly repudiated by the fundamental laws of all truly enlightened and civilized communities; and by none more emphatically than by that over which, Sir, it is your honour to preside.

"The great doctrine that God hath created all men equal, and endowed them with certain inalienable rights, and that amongst these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,' is affirmed in your Declaration of Independence, and embodied in the theory of your constitutional laws. But there is a stain upon your glory. Slavery, in its most abject and revolting form, pollutes your soil; the wailings of slaves mingle with your songs