GENERAL JACKSON AND THE BANK.

85

salutary influence of just and wholesome laws, we can conceive nothing more threatening to peace and social order-nothing more alarming to the general well-being of society, or more destructive to a nation's welfare, its prosperity and advancement, than the excesses, with which the United States has been within late years familiarised, the daring usurpation, the uncontrolled abuse of all authority, of which the recent government of General Jackson has given such fearful example: the putting aside of all legal "responsibility," as he termed it, unknown to, and unsanctioned by the constitution of his country; trusting to the forbearance -the quiescent temper of his fellow citizens-the apathy and indifference of the intelligent, perhaps from their incapacity to restrain his acts, and the shouts and plaudits of the multitude, in part made up of the ignorant of all classes, for a sanction to the most reprehensible conduct, in the pursuit and gratification of a mere personal hostility to the late Bank of the United States, the only remaining check to his morbid and sickly ambition: as also the unrelenting and party war waged by him, against the credit and entire monetary system of the country, which carried heart-burning and desolation in its train, ruining millions of industrious and enterprising citizens, and reducing to the utmost

reflected on the foregoing facts must be ready to affirm—that Executive patronage has increased, is increasing, and ought to be diminished."

penury, many of the most wealthy, and previously independent of the community. For this- even this, there was no remedy at hand to stay his progress; no means to which the country might resort, but patience-patience which the people were called upon to practise; though in testing the "experiment” of this obstinate old man, no less than seven-tenths of the mercantile community were reduced to a state of absolute bankruptcy and ruin! The Senate raised some feeble remonstrance against his monstrous usurpation, and after much noise and angry discussion, contented themselves by merely passing a resolution, carried by a majority of twenty-six to twenty, declaring that "the President in the late executive proceedings, in relation to the public revenue, has assumed upon himself an authority and power, not conferred by the constitution and laws, but in derogation of both."

If ever there was an act that deserved reprehension, and merited the united censure of an abused and outraged people, it surely was the unconstitutional and overhand measure of President Jackson. Yet, were there no further steps than these taken in vindication of the laws that had been abused-the constitution that had been thus trampled upon, to carry out the views and expositions of this modern political empiric, or to protect the country against its most wanton repetition. Even the Senate, which, can seldom charge itself with any similar act of independence, neutralized this almost only effort on behalf of individual and popular rights, by expunging

from their records the condemnatory resolution, by which they had, only in the preceding session, recorded their opinion of the executive innovations of which it so justly complained; to administer to the vanity, and appease the wounded pride of the "old Roman," as President Jackson was familiarly termed, and to whom this august body, as if conscious of its worthlessness, bowed down in lowly and humble submission. But such is modern republicanism!such, it would appear, a necessary and conjoined part of the structure raised with so much cost by our transatlantic friends, and commended to our choice as the noblest effort of man's genius in human legislation. Still, the consequence, as the primeval cause of all this, belongs to themselves, to which they will have to look in time; or else be prepared to see their country visited by some periodical scourge of this kind, levelling all classes, and sweeping all before it with the destructive violence of a tornado.

Article 1st, sec. 2 and 3 of the Constitution, states, the legislative power to be vested in a Congress of the United States, consisting of a Senate and House of Representatives, and prescribes the duties devolving on both.

Of the Senate chamber, it may, with some degree of propriety be alleged, that they constitute the only deliberative assembly, apart from their late subserviency, that is really entitled to assume the name— that can be deemed to possess a reasonable share of talent in their body, or preserve the least decency, or decorum in their proceedings. Chosen, or ap

pointed by the legislatures of the individual States, each of which sends two members, (apart from the consideration of their relative population,) they form in their aggregate, a representation of the several commonwealths comprised in the Republic, and are supposed to act as a counterpoise, or check between the federal executive, and the general representatives of the people in the other, or Lower House of Congress. They are generally men of talent, as of influence in their respective States, and number amongst them several of the most prominent public characters of the country.

A somewhat different description attaches to the Lower House, composed of members chosen from the great bulk of the population, in the ratio of one representative for every 70,680 persons in each State. To the majority a seat in Congress is purely a matter of trade-of mere mercantile speculation, in which the pecuniary advantages, as well as disadvantages are weighed, and carefully set one against the other; and in the end shares the fate of every saleable commodity in the hands of an American, being used for the purpose of increasing his temporal means-of ensuring his personal or individual advancement.

When taking into account the vast patronage of the executive, its power to remunerate the services and individual sacrifices of its supporters, it is, perhaps, only reasonable to expect, that the majority of this House, as the fact really is, are generally found the pliant creatures of his will, the ready instruments

SALARY OF MEMBERS.

89

of his power, or of any usurpation he may have the hardihood to attempt. Their legislative proceedings generally shew a lamentable deficiency of talent, of public virtue, as of gentlemanly decorum in their conduct to each other, as also in their order, or mode of transacting the public business; five-sixths of their time being consumed in personal and unworthy altercations, in violent strife, that frequently eventuates in the most unseemly abuse, or in direct personal conflict with each other; or is otherwise wasted in idle, frivolous, and interminable debates, which a stranger would feel some difficulty to understand, until assured that each of these modern lawgivers receives a sum of eight dollars per diem for their services, paid from the public purse for every day that the sessions may so continue its existence, and which he is the more apprehensive of bringing to a close by expediting its legislative business to its termination; for after all, eight dollars per day to an American, is a matter of some moment, particularly as the amount in settling up his account might very justly be classed under the heading of "nett profits,' for which he seldom gives any fair, or adequate consideration.

Their proceedings are rarely published in the periodical, or daily press, except in an abridged and unusually condensed form; and are generally looked upon with a most stoical indifference by nine-tenths of the American people, who are seldom influenced in their habits, or local customs by the laws that may emanate from this source. Uncontrolled by public