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New England, and Mr. Harrison's, such as it was, to his own state. But although there were no popular centres of resistance, it was hardly to be expected that the McKinley bark would be allowed to sail unopposed into harbor. The Republican nominee seemed to be certain of election, and it would not do to allow him to capture the Convention without any salutation of his political masters. Certain leading "bosses" and politicians began to ask what there was in this situation for them. Before submitting to McKinley's nomination could they not make good terms for themselves?

There is not, nor could there be, any written evidence of the negotiations which followed between these "bosses" and Messrs. McKinley and Hanna. But the following account of the matter is not far from the truth. The latter were informed that the delegations from certain states could be obtained on certain terms, and late in the fall Mr. Hanna went East in order to find out what these terms were. Whatever they were they probably included one or two cabinet positions. Mr. Hanna returned, made his report, and seems to have urged the acceptance of the terms. It meant the removal of the only important obstacle to McKinley's nomination, and he could not resist the temptation. But McKinley himself absolutely refused to consent to any such bargain. He was much more alive than was Mr. Hanna to the grave objections to purchase of the presidential nomination by the payment of cabinet positions. He declared that he would rather lose the nomination than obtain it by such dubious means. Mr. Hanna at once admitted that his friend was right, and the uncompromising stand which Mr. McKinley had taken in the matter greatly increased his personal admiration of the man.

The decision was reached that in case they had to face the opposition of the local political leaders, the fight would be made upon the issue that the "bosses" were opposing the people's choice. Eventually the contest assumed precisely that shape. On January 7 there was a conference in New York between Thomas C. Platt, Senator Quay, Joseph H. Manley, Chauncey I. Filley and James S. Clarkson to devise means for preventing the nomination of McKinley. The plan was adopted of trying to keep the delegates away from McKinley by en

couraging the growth of "favorite sons" in all the Northern states. At the same time the experienced politicians who attended the conference decided to put up a stiff fight for the control of the Southern local and state conventions. They did not realize how thoroughly the preliminary work among the Southern Republicans on McKinley's behalf had already been accomplished. They expected to be able to capture a much larger percentage of the delegates than they actually succeeded in doing.

At the time when it was formed, the plan of campaign looked much more promising than it subsequently proved to be. The candidacy of Thomas B. Reed would hold New England. Thomas C. Platt could deliver the delegation from New York to anybody he pleased, and he selected Levi P. Morton as an inspiring candidate. Senator Quay considered the transfer of his contingent to Reed, but finally decided that he himself was the favorite son of Pennsylvania. Iowa claimed the nomination for Senator Allison. Besides these candidates, all of whom survived until the meeting of the National Convention, there were indications that Indiana might be kept true to ex-President Harrison, Illinois to Senator Cullom and Minnesota to Senator Davis. The expectation was that in case the tide in favor of McKinley could be checked, other "favorite sons" would appear to take advantage of the vicissitudes of a divided Convention.

At this critical stage in the canvass, everything depended on the ability of Mr. McKinley and his friends to keep alive an impression of the irresistibility of his candidacy. A majority of the Republican voters favored his nomination, but their preference might be defeated-in case the local politicians came to believe that its defeat was probable or even possible. On the other hand, many of these politicians, not publicly committed to another candidate, would make haste to join the procession as soon as they realized that it was really made up of the Elect. It was a case where nothing would succeed like success.

Preparations were made immediately to establish proMcKinley organizations in every state which was worth fighting for. In many important states confidential relations had already been established with political leaders of promi

nence who could be trusted to work for McKinley. In New Jersey the coöperation of Garret A. Hobart, subsequently VicePresident, was assured. In Maryland Senator Wellington could be counted upon for good work. In Michigan General Alger was a friend of both the candidate and Mr. Hanna. In Minnesota ex-Governor W. R. Merriam was an effective ally. In Wisconsin Henry C. Payne eventually helped to capture the state for McKinley. West of the Mississippi, with the exception of Iowa and one or two other states, the McKinley sentiment was everywhere dominant. In all these localities. the work was comparatively easy, and did not require very much time or cause much anxiety.

In no part of the country did the contest become fiercer than south of the Mason and Dixon line. Mr. Hanna had to fight very hard to prevent the McKinley organization in several important Southern states from being broken up. The most perplexing and troublesome crises occurred in Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana and Texas. The opposition was unscrupulous and was abundantly supplied with funds. It used all the tricks known to machine politicians, such as the calling of "snap" conventions in certain congressional districts. But the net results of a fight put by four of the ablest and most experienced politicians in the Republican party was comparatively small. There were finally secured for Reed two votes in Alabama, two in Georgia, four in Louisiana, two and a half in North Carolina, one in Virginia and five in Texas. Mr. Platt picked up for Morton one delegate from Alabama and two from Florida. Quay captured two in Georgia, one in Mississippi, and divided one in Louisiana with Allison. Mr. Clarkson, who had dispensed patronage during President Harrison's administration, obtained only three votes from Texas for the Iowan candidate. These were small pickings, considering the eminence of these gentlemen as the gatherers of political fruit. They had been beaten at their own game. As Mr. Thomas C. Platt, in his "Autobiography" (p. 331) says: "He (Mr. Hanna) had the South practically solid before some of us waked up." But it was not simply a matter of organization. A genuine preference for McKinley had been created among the Southern Republicans; and, of course, he was helped in the South by his success in the North.

Different methods were used in different doubtful Northern states. Indiana was one of the first among the waverers which it was possible to line up for McKinley. On February 4 ex-President Harrison announced that he was not a candidate. Mr. McKinley had some days before received confidential information of the announcement, and an emissary, Charles Dick, was despatched to Indiana to take immediate advantage of the withdrawal. He had a long secret interview with John K. Gowdy, chairman of the State Committee, which resulted in an understanding that the latter would work for Mr. McKinley. Before Mr. Dick returned the situation all over the state was thoroughly canvassed, and many consultations were held with local leaders, whose coöperation was necessary. Owing partly to the efficiency of Mr. Gowdy's work, and partly to the pro-McKinley popular sentiment, which was unusually strong in Indiana, the delegation from that state was obtained for McKinley.

Nebraska was another state in which a special situation confronted the McKinley managers. A somewhat feeble local movement had been started in favor of General Manderson as a "favorite son," which commanded the support of most of the local politicians. A special organization had, consequently, to be formed, which succeeded in having the delegates-at-large instructed for McKinley, in spite of the opposition of Senator Thurston. In California, almost the only other Western state which required special exertions, the McKinley interest was confided to Judge James A. Waymire and Mr. J. C. Spear; and they succeeded in bringing the state into line. When the Convention was finally held Mr. McKinley was supported by the delegations of all the states west of the Mississippi, except Iowa, the three votes from Utah and those of the seceding states.

Opinions were divided among the McKinley managers whether any contest at all should be made in those Northern states, which were completely dominated by the local "bosses." But Mr. Hanna had the courage of his cause; he insisted on fighting all along the line and in capturing local delegates wherever they could. Prominent Republicans both in New York and Pennsylvania were friendly to McKinley - far more so

than the votes of those states subsequently indicated. Even as it was, eight votes were secured in Pennsylvania and seventeen in New York. A great deal of very effective work was also accomplished in quietly favoring the election of delegates whose second choice would be McKinley. Mr. Hanna himself was far from objecting to the tactics pursued by their opponents. Thomas B. Reed was the only candidate he really feared, just as it was the only candidacy which was based upon genuine claims to recognition. If the opposition could have concentrated on Reed, it might have become formidable. As it was, the "favorite son" policy was a confession of weakness, which could offer no effective resistance to a candidacy like that of McKinley, which gathered volume as it rolled along.

Arrangements had been made to hold the Ohio State Convention in March, so as to place Mr. McKinley formally in nomination early in the final contest. It assembled on March 11 and was a most harmonious gathering-although the Foraker faction kept control of the state organization. James B. Foraker made the first of a long series of speeches nominating his former rival for the presidency. The delegates-at-large were divided between the two factions, and consisted of Mr. Foraker, Governor Bushnell, General Charles Grosvenor, and Mark Hanna. The platform emphasized the importance of protectionist legislation as essential to the revival of prosperity, but dodged the currency issue. It declared for sound money and the use of both metals, which were to be kept at a parity by international agreement or any other available means. In case a declaration in favor of a gold standard had been made at this time, the difficulties of the McKinley managers west of the Mississippi would have been very much increased. As it was, one State Convention after another began to instruct for McKinley. On March 19 Wisconsin was definitely placed on his list. On April 11 it was joined by Oregon. Four days later Nebraska and North Dakota fell into line, and on April 29 Vermont, under the leadership of Senator Proctor, showed that Mr. Reed could even hold all of the delegates from New England.

All this was encouraging, and together with the successes in the South it was almost convincing. But it was not entirely The McKinley candidacy needed the testimony of an em

So.

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