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Measures of his My's Ms for carrying these Intentions into Execution. 8vo. 3s. Nicoll. 1770.

We can recollect no inftance in which the neceffity of adhering to the excellent maxim judiciously placed at the head of the foregoing title, hath, to us, appeared more confpicuously than in the prefent controverfy.

In our laft we gave an account of a letter to Lord Hillsborough, complaining of lieutenant-governor Fitzmaurice, and accufing him of the moft flagrant partiality towards the Roman Catholic inhabitants of this colony.

The Counter-Letter, now before us, contains a very ample and spirited reprefentation of the contefts and diffentions that have fubfifted in Grenada, written with a view to fupport the other fide of the queftion; together with fuch an impeachment of the character and conduct of governor Mll, as, if not refuted, cannot but operate greatly to the difadvantage of that gentleman's reputation, both public and private.

The materials of which this elaborate, well-digested, and very important tract is compofed, are too multifarious, and of too great extent, to admit of our entering into fuch a detail of them as might afford any competent degree of fatisfaction to thofe who, through curiofity or intereft in the fubject, may be defirous of obtaining a clear idea of the ftate of parties in this new-ceded appendage to the British Weft-Indian empire. For particulars, therefore, we muft refer to this and the other pamphlets mentioned in our last month's catalogue, under the article Colonies; but before we take our leave of the prefent performance, we fhall prefent our Readers with a quo tation or two, relating to the religious and political principles of his Majefty's new fubjects the Roman Catholics of Grenada:

The Roman Catholics of the Gallican church, it is here obferved, are no Papifts; they deny the fupremacy of the Pope, and all thofe damnable doctrines tending to inculcate that the Pope can difpenfe with the allegiance of fubjects to their fovereigns, and which justly make popish tenets fo deteftible. The Roman Catholics of Grenada, it is added, have taken the oaths of fupremacy and al legiance to the K. of Great-Britain; they have abjured the pretender; and his Majefty has not in his dominions more faithful fubjects.'

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This distinction between the Gallican and other Catholics is infifted on more at large in the narrative fubjoined to this letter to the fecretary of ftate for the American department: and, indeed, it is a point of infinite confequence in the argument.

We believe,' fay the Authors *, that it is a general notion in England, that Roman Catholics cannot vote at elections of members of parliament, &c. on account of their religion: but this is a valgar error: the only oaths neceffary to be taken by electors, as is well known, are the oaths of allegiance, abjuration, and fupremacy: but the English and Irish Catholics univerfally refufe to take the lat

This tract is not given to the public as the work of one author, but of many accordingly, the first part of it, addreffed by way of letter to lord H. is figned Many real Proprietors of Grenada.

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ter, and it is on that account only that they are denied the privilege of voting. It is quite otherwife with the Catholics of the Gallican church, who univerfally deny the fupremacy of the Pope, and ac-, knowledge that of their own fovereign; therefore when a French Catholic becomes a British fubje&t, and takes the oath of allegiance to the British fovereign, he never will refufe the oath of abjuration and fupremacy, or that is indeed a natural confequence of an oath of allegiance, and is agreeable to his education and principles; fo that our new-adopted French fellow-fubjects ought to be accounted as differing effentially from Papifts in this refpect, and as differing from us only in the belief of certain tenets and the ufage of fome ceremonies, which, however erroneous in our eyes, have no direct tendency to make them worfe men, certainly not worfe fubjects: for upon the acknowledgement of the Pope's fupremacy depend all thofe tenets; fuch as his power to abfolve fubjects from their allegiance to their temporal fovereign, &c. which fo juftly render popery excep tionable in a political view, and have certainly been the chief occafion of laying the profeffors of that religion under fo many restraints among us. Members of the Gallican church, rejecting thofe pernicious tenets, are certainly lefs obnoxious, politically confidered, than our own natural born Catholic fubjects; therefore when Galli, can Catholics become British fubjects, were they even entitled to nothing from treaties and capitulations, which however will not be afferted, they have an undoubted claim, from their avowed principles, and the nature of things, to greater privileges than our own Catholics. This matter would not bear a difpute here in England; it could not be refufed them; even the filent operation of the laws would give it them.

How much more ought this to be the cafe in a newly acquired colony, where fuch men conflitute the body of the inhabitants, and Have voluntarily become our fellow-fubjects? Every motive of justice and equity, not to fay good policy, requires it.

An impartial man, therefore, must greatly wonder at the loud and pathetic lamentations poured forth by governor M-11, on account of larger indulgences being allowed by government to conquered French Papifts, as he calls them, than to our own naturalBorn Catholics. He muft immediately perceive, that fuch expreffions can only be calculated to catch the prejudices of weak minds, the Methodific vulgar in South, and the Covenanting vulgar in, North Britain. He could not derive fuch a conduct, if it does not proceed from hypocrify, from any other fource than profound ignoFance or innate malignity, or a perfecuting fpirit, or perhaps a mixure of all three. He must be fenfible that a perfon of that character is altogether unfit to be entrusted with power any where, far lefs in a colony fo conflituted as G-a, which certainly requires a goverpor endued with the most comprehenfive charity, and actuated by the moft liberal principies.'

We think it expedient, before we finally difmifs this article, to acquaint our Readers, that the fcheme here recommended for quieting the feuds in the Grenada government, is, that the plan for admitting. his Majefty's new-adopted Roman Catholic fubjects to a fhare in the legifiative end executive parts of the government, be carried into

execution

execution in all its parts; with a particular provifion that none of the faid new-adopted fubjects fhould be capable of becoming commander in chief, prefident, or chancellor, and that they should cease to be counsellors, judges, members of the affembly, or juftices of the peace, on becoming poffeffed of any landed eftates in France, or in any of the French Weft-India colonies, or on quitting the ifland, without leave first obtained from his Majefty, or his commander in chief for the time being.

How far this is ftrictly conformable to the original intention of admitting the French Roman Catholics of Grenada to a share in both the legislative and executive parts of that government (under the limitations fpecified in the royal inftructions to the commander in chief) and how far the carrying the fame into execution, in the manner here propofed, may affect the principles of the reformation and revolution in general, and the fafety of the Proteftant interest in that colony in particular, we leave to the more competent judg ment of those who are better acquainted with the interior state of the ifland and its dependencies.

Art. 35. Extract of a Letter from the House of Reprefentatives of the Maffachufets-Bay, to their Agent Dennys De Berdt, Elg With Jome Remarks. 8vo. 6d. Oliver. 1770.

This Extract contains objections to the whole fyftem of our late regulations and laws respecting America, in order to prove that they are of dangerous tendency in regard to commerce, policy, and the true interest of the whole empire:-grievous to the fubject, burthenfome to trade, injurious to the revenue of the crown, and ruinous to the nation. If this be really the cafe, furely every honeft Briton will agree with these legislative writers, who obferve, that if fuch mighty inconveniencies, evils, and mifchiefs, can be pointed out with decency and perfpicuity, there will be the highest reason not only to hope for, but fully to expect redrefs.'

In purfuance of this idea we have a cool and folid reprefentation of fuch American grievances as have proceeded from measures taken by government at home, fince the termination of the late war. Of the particulars of thefe grievances our Readers can now want no information; innumerable pamphlets and papers of intelligence, of all kinds, having almoft inceffantly rung with them throughout every part of the British dominions, ever fince the promulgation of the memorable and unfortunate stamp act.

Amidft the clamour that hath been raifed on account of the alledged oppreffions of our American brethren, there have not been wanting political foothfayers, who pretend to difcover, in the complaints of the colonists, the marks and indications of a dangerous fpirit of independence. Of this fome notice is here taken, and in the following terms:

Whenever we mention the rights of the fubjects in America,. and the interest we have in the British conftitution in common with all other British fubjects, we cannot be justly fufpected of the most, diftant thoughts of an independance on Great Britain. Some, we know, have imagined this of the colonists; and others, perhaps,, may have as induftriously propagated it to raise against them ground-, lefs and unreasonable jealoufies. But it is fo far from the truth, that

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we apprehend the colonies would refufe it if offeredthem; and would deem it the greatest misfortune to be obliged to accept it. This is most certainly true of the people of this province. They are far from being infenfible of their happiness in being connected with the Mothercountry, and of the mutual benefit derived from it to both countries. And while both have the free enjoyment of the rights of our happy conftitution, there will be no real ground of envy or discontent in the one, nor of jealoufy and miftruft in the other.'

We hope this is not thrown out merely to lull us into a dangerous fecurity; on the contrary, we are really inclined to give the honourable gentlemen full credit for their fincerity in this declaration: and to believe that the cafe is truly the fame, with refpect to the other colonies, among whom any views of this kind could poffibly arise.

The remarks added to this extra, are written in rather warmer terms; but by whom they are added, is not faid. After an affecting difplay of the former happy flourishing ftate of the colonies, before the fatal year 1764, of the unfhaken loyalty of the Americans to the crown of Great Britain, and their most cordial affection to their elder brethren of the Mother-country, he has the following pathetic reflec tion: Can it be a small injury that has inflamed and irritated, almost to an appeal to heaven, a whole people, hitherto untainted with difloyalty, untroubled with commotions, and unalterable in their affection for their fellow-fubjects of this country? could any but the. most violent caufes produce fuch violent effects as have drawn from the throne here the charge of being little less than rebellion, and threaten the total deftruction of our American commerce? furely, it were as wife to fuppofe, that the gentleft breath of wind would work the calm surface of the ocean into raging billows; as that the rooted loyalty and attachment of America, can have been fhaken thus, but by grievances real in themfelves, and deeply felt,

The danger then that impends from the prefent univerfally difcontented and inflamed state of America, arifing from thefe caufes, is great; but happily it may be avoided with ease. Remove the cause, and the effects will ceafe; abolish the whole fyftem of American laws and regulations fince 1764, restore them to the ftate in which the wifdom of our forefathers placed them, and to the good policy of which two centuries have given their most ample approbation. This is the method, and I will venture to fay the only method, of reestablishing the peace of America and the commerce of Great Britain.. The Americans are content to be fubordinate; but they never will fubmit to be enflaved. It is not a time for trying expedients, there is not a temper in America to be played with; there is no alternative, dreadful as it may feem, but to exterminate her inhabitants or restore them the violated rights of free-men. Let humanity, let justice, let wisdom determine, which measure shall be purfued.

After a particular recital of the various complaints of the Americans, and the caufes of that univerfal difcontent which hath spread from one end of their contiment to the other, this zealous remarker concludes the whole, in the following animated strain:

Whoever will confider thefe grievances, will perceive how impoffible it is that any people impreffed with the leaft fenfe of conftitutional libery, fhould ever patiently fubmit to bear them. Their

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tendency is too evident; and the total fubverfion of every right and fecurity derived from that facred conftitution for which our ancestors fought and conquered, is too undeniable a confequence of them, to leave any American in doubt whether, in this cafe, Submiffion and Slavery are the fame.

If the commerce with America is of any value to Great Britain; if the rights of humanity are interefting; if the introduction of abfolute government into fo great a part of the united empire is dangerous to the liberties of the reft; then I will venture to fay, the cause of America is the common cause of every friend to liberty and to humanity throughout the King's dominions; and that the people of this country are moved by every confideration of virtue and of wisdom, to espouse a cause, in the iffue of which, their feelings as men, their commercial interefts, and the principles of the conftitution, are fo deeply concerned.'

Art. 36. Obfervations on feveral Acts of Parliament, paffed in the fourth, fixth, and feventh Years of his prefent Majefty's Reign. Publifbed by the Merchants of Boston. 8vo. 1 s. Bolton, printed by Édes and Gill. London reprinted by Kearfley, &c. 1770.

The reprefentative body of the people who complain of the evil effects of the acts of parliament here referred to, having repeatedly remonftrated against thofe acts, as unconftitutional, and as infringing the rights and privileges of the fubject,—the authors of this pamphlet have, therefore, confined their objections to fuch parts of the said acts as affect the trading interest.

As far as we can judge from the reprefentations contained in this publication, the clogs, reftrictions and burthens laid upon the trade and commerce of America, in confequence of our late revenue-acts, are indeed very great and grievous. After an enumeration of these hardships, which feems to be well fupported by facts, of which every one acquainted with the American trade may judge, the gentlemen proceed to fpeak of the means of redrefs.-The taking off the duties on tea, paper, glafs and colours, they tell us, will not effectually relieve them. But, they add, fhould all the revenue acts be repealed, and the trade relieved from all unnecessary restrictions, and restored to the footing it was upon before the act of the 6th of George II. and the indulgencies now mentioned be granted, it would have a happy tendency to unite Great Britain and her colonies on a lafting foundationall clandeftine trade would then cease-the great expence of men of war, cutters, of the commiffioners, and other custom-houfe officers lately appointed to fecure the revenue, might be faved --The trade, navigation and fifhery, would not only be revived, but greatly extended; and, in that cafe, the growth of thefe colonies would be very rapid, and confequently the demand for British manufactures proportionably increased.'

To what has been faid, we shall add the concluding paragraph, which needs no comment:

Upon the whole, the trade of America is really the trade of Great Britain herself; the profits thereof center there: It is one grand fource from whence money fo plentifully flows into the hands of the feveral manufacturers, and from thence into the coffers of landholdres throughout the whole kingdom: It is, in short, the strongest chain of

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