author of the McKinley Bill, which gave to labor its richest rewards. No other name so completely meets the requirements of the occasion, and no other name so absolutely commands all hearts. The shafts of envy and malice and slander and libel and detraction that have been aimed at him lie broken and harmless at his feet. The quiver is empty, and he is untouched. That is because the people know him, trust him, believe in him, love him, and will not permit any human power to disparage him unjustly in their estimation.

"They know that he is an American of Americans. They know that he is just and able and brave, and they want him for President of the United States. (Applause.) They have already shown it-not in this or that State, nor in this or that section, but in all the States and in all the sections from ocean to ocean, and from the Gulf to the Lakes. They expect of you to give them a chance to vote for him. It is our duty to do it. If we discharge that duty we will give joy to their hearts, enthusiasm to their souls and triumphant victory to our cause. (Applause.) And he, in turn, will give us an administration under which the country will enter on a new era of prosperity at home and of glory and honor abroad, by all these tokens of the present and all these promises of the future. In the name of the forty-six delegates of Ohio, I submit his claim to your consideration. (More applause.)"

. Mr. Foraker's motion was eloquently seconded by the chairman, Senator Thurston.

The Convention was now ready for a ballot. It was evident that a single one would bring the desired result. It was taken by a call of States, with the following result.

The Convention broke into a delirium of joy over this result, and united spontaneously in the request to make McKinley's nomination unanimous. Never was a nomination received with greater satisfaction or more unanimous expressions of joy by party or country than this one. Even political opponents could not withhold their congratulations over a triumph so deserved by the man and over a situation that promised so much for the honor and success of the party. All the land seemed to be united in one voice, and that was that William McKinley and what he stood for in the platform of principles, were what a long suffering country demanded to redeem it, and restore it to the prosperous era prior to 1892.

The life of Mr. McKinley at Canton, for a time after his nomination, was filled with congratulatory episodesletters, telegrams, visitors, singly and by delegations, speeches to which welcomes and replies had to be extended. But the liveliest of all these episodes, and the one that made an imposing chapter in his own and his party's history, was the occasion of June 29, when he was officially notified of his nomination, by the Convention's Committee, composed of a representative from each State and Territory. Such occasions had hitherto been formal and stilted, but Mr. McKinley threw into it the

grace of a new departure, by turning it to the account of his party and country. In his own eloquent, logical and convincing way he let it be known precisely how he stood toward the party and its platform of principles, how the party was expected to stand toward the country, and what were the solemn duties of an hour in which redemption from existing ills was expected. It was as though he had already written and published his formal letter of acceptance, and his sturdy stand and emphatic words were applauded in every business centre and Republican home. This sketch could be no more fittingly concluded than by quoting some of the masterly allusions, in his speech of acceptance, to the leading issues of the hour:

"Great are the issues involved in the coming election, and eager and earnest the people for their right determination. Our domestic trade must be won back and our idle working people employed in gainful occupations at American wages. Our home market must be restored. to its proud rank of first in the world, and our foreign trade, so precipitately cut off by adverse national legisla tion, reopened on fair and equitable terms for our surplus agricultural and manufacturing products. Protection and reciprocity, twin measures of a true American policy, should again command the earnest encouragement of the Government at Washington.

"Public confidence must be resumed, and the skill, the energy, and the capital of our country find ample em ployment at home, sustained, encouraged and defended against the unequal competition and serious disadvantages with which they are now contending.

"It must be apparent to all, regardless of past party ties or affiliations, that it is our paramount duty to provide adepuate revenue for the expenditures of the Govern

ment economically and prudently administered. This the Republican party has heretofore done, and this I confidently believe it will do in the future, when the party is again entrusted with power in the executive and legislative branches of our Government.

"The national credit, which has thus far fortunately resisted every assault upon it, must and will be upheld and strengthened. If sufficient revenues are provided for the support of the Government, there will be no necessity for borrowing money and increasing the public debt. The complaint of the people is not against the administration for borrowing money and issuing bonds to preserve the credit of the country, but against the ruinous policy which has made this necessary, owing to the policy which has been inaugurated.

"The inevitable effect of such a policy is seen in the deficiency in the United States Treasury, except as it is replenished by loans, and in the distress of the people who are suffering because of the scant demand for their labor and the products of their labor. Here is the fundamental trouble, the remedy for which is the Republican opportunity and duty. During all the years of Republican control following resumption there was a steady reduction of the public debt, while the gold reserve was sacredly maintained, and our currency and credit preserved without depreciation, taint, or suspicion.

"If we would restore this policy that brought us unexampled prosperity for more than thirty years under the most trying conditions ever known in this country, the policy by which we made and bought more goods at home and sold more abroad, the trade balance would be quickly turned in our favor, and gold would come to us and not

go from us in the settlement of all such balances in the future.

"The party that supplied, by legislation, the vast revenues for the conduct of our greatest war, that promptly restored the credit of the country at its close, that from its abundant revenues paid off a large share of the debt incurred in this war, and that resumed specie payments, and placed our paper currency upon a sound and enduring basis, can be safely trusted to preserve both our credit and currency with honor, stability and inviolability.

"The American people hold the financial honor of our Government as sacred as our flag, and can be relied upon to guard it with the same sleepless vigilance. They hold its preservation above party fealty, and have often demonstrated that party ties avail nothing when the spotless credit of our country is threatened.

"The money of the United States, and every kind or form of it, whether of paper, silver or gold, must be as good as the best in the world. It must not only be current at its full face value at home, but it must be counted at par in any and every commercial centre of the globe. The sagacious and far-seeing policy of the great men who founded our Government, the teachings and acts of the wisest financiers at every stage in our history, the stead fast faith and splendid achievements of the great party to which we belong, and the genius and integrity of our people, have always demanded this, and will ever maintain it. The dollar paid to the farmer, the wage earner and the pensioner must continue forever equal in purchasing and debt paying power to the dollar paid to any Government creditor.

"The contest this year will not be waged upon lines of