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her own. None of these lines were predicated on legal right, and to all the assent of Venezuela was asked and denied. Each new claim to extended boundary brought up the question of arbitration in futile form, and each attracted the attention of the United States, sometimes as an invited arbiter, always as a party jealous of monarchical encroachment on western soil. The Granville line of 1881 started twenty-nine miles west of the Moroco river. The Rosebery line of 1886 increased the area of British Guiana from seventy-six thousand to one hundred thousand square miles. The Salisbury line of 1890, and the second Rosebery line of 1893, showed similar aggressiveness on the part of Great Britain. These later claims were followed by attempts at occupation and the exercise of jurisdiction, despite a solemn agreement made between the two countries, in 1850, that neither country should attempt permanent occupation pending the settlement of the dispute.
Throughout the entire dispute, Venezuela, as her only hope against a powerful adversary, repeatedly sought an understanding through arbitration. Her efforts were baffled, for various reasons, till in 1886 a treaty was drafted between her and Great Britain, which provided for a settlement of all boundary disputes by arbitration. This treaty was not ratified owing to the fall of the Gladstone ministry. Lord Salisbury, Gladstone's successor, refused to accede to the arbitration clause. To every subsequent appeal for arbitration, the answer of Great Britain was that arbitration could be had but only respecting such disputed territory as lay west of a line designated by her. self.
Of course such an arbitrary condition was inadmissible by Venezuela, and owing to new appropriations of territory by Great Britain, Venezuela, in 1887, suspended diplomatic relations, and protested before the British Government and the world "against the acts of spoliation committed to her detriment by the government of Great Britain, which she at no time and on no account will recognize as capable of altering in the least the rights which she has inherited from Spain, and respecting which she will ever be willing to submit to the decision of a third power."
Diplomatic relations were not afterward renewed between the two countries, but owing to further aggressions on the part of Great Britain, Venezuela was forced to resume negotiations respecting the boundary question. But her efforts of 1890 and 1893 failed, for the reason that Great Britain again refused to arbitrate, except as to tei ritory west of an arbitrary line drawn by herself.
In 1893, further negotiations were broken off b} another protest, and appeal of Venezuela to the world, in which it was stated that there was seemingly nothing left for her to do but to accept the painful and peremptory duty of providing for her own legitimate defence against the encroachments of Great Britain.
To put the entire British-Venezuela question into a few words, it then appears:
(1) The dispute between Great Britian and Venezuela is as to territory of indefinite but confessedly large extent.
(2) On account of the great strength of Great Britain, Venezuela can only hope to establish her claim through a direct agreement with her adversary, or by means of arbitration.
(3) The controversy has extended over half a century, with constantly varying claims on the part of Great Britain, and persistent efforts on the part of Venezuela to establish a permanent boundary by agreement.
(4) The futility of seeking direct agreement induced Venezuela to ask and strive for arbitration for at least a quarter of a century.
(5) Great Britian has always and continuously refused to arbitrate except on condition that Venezuela would renounce a large part of her claim, and concede in advance a large share of the territory in controversy.
1 The United States And The Dispute.
There has never been a time when the United States, or for that matter, any American republic, could be indifferent to the controversy, in view of their traditional policy as to mouarchism on the western continent. But the United States on account of her great strength and prestige, and because she had an earlier and more clearly defined policy than the other Republics, was looked to by Venezuela as the Republic most likely to see that she was not finally wronged by Great Britain, in case of abitration or warlike clash. In general Venezuela kept the United States informed of her efforts to end the controversy, and very often sought to supplement her efforts by the good offices of this country. Thus in 1876, when Venezuela sought to open negotiations with Great Britain, the fact, and even the note to Great Britain were communicated to this government.
In 1881, when the fact that Great Britain was making a naval demonstration off the mouth of the Orinoco was communicated to this government by the Venezuela minister, Secretary of State, Evarts, replied that "in view of the deep interest which the government of the United States takes in all transactions tending to attempted ensroaohments of foreign powers upon the territory of any of the Republics of this continent, this government could not look with indifference to the forcible acquisition of such territory by England if the mission of the vessels now at the mouth of the Orinoco should be found to be for that end."
In November, 1882, Venezuela sought the advice and support of the United States respecting another effort at i arbitration with Great Britain. In response, Secretary of State, Frelinghuysen, replied in substance that the United States stood willing, at the desire of Venezuela, to propose arbitration to Great Britain as a means of settling the boundary disputes, and that the "best tender of the good offices of this country to Venezuela would be in the direction of arbitration. Further, that the United States, while not seeking to become, would not refuse to be, an arbiter between the two countries.
In 1884 the Venezuela minister to England, appointed with a view of negotiating a treaty respecting the boundary dispute, came to Washington first, and after many interviews with our Secretary of State, went to England with commendations to the good offices of Mr. Lowell, the American Minister in London, and with authority to represent to the British Government that this country viewed with concern whatever might affect the interests of a sister republic of the American continent and its position in the family of nations. When, in 1886, it became apparent that this Venezuela Minister was about to fail in his negotiations, and that diplomatic relations were again about to be broken off, our Secretary of State, Mr. Bayard, with a view to preventing such rupture between Venezuela and Great Britain, authorized our Minister to Great Britain to tender the good offices of the United States to promote an amicable settlement of the boundary differences, and even to extend an offer to the two countries to act as arbiter if agreeable to both. This tender was accompanied by the following clear statement of the relation of the United States to the controversy:
"Her Majesty's Government will readily understand that this attitude of friendly neutrality and entire impartiality touching the merits of the controversy, consisting wholly in a difference of facts between our friends and neighbors, is entirely consistent and compatible with the sense of responsibility that rests upon the United States in relation to the South American Republics. The doctrines we announced two generations ago, at the instance and with the moral support and approval of the British Government, have lost none of their force or importance in the progress of time, and the Governments of Great Britain and the United States are equally interested in conserving a status, the wisdom of which has been demonstrated by the experience of more than half a ceutury."
Great Britain declined this offer. Again in 1888, British Guiana widened her boundary pretensions by proposing to build a railroad on soil claimed by Venezuela. This intensification of the dispute attracted the notice of the United States, and once more this country offered to assist in ending the controversy, at the same time calling the attention of Great Britain to the fact that her repeated change of boundaries, her frequent enlargements of them, her refusals to arbitrate with Venezuela, were sources of grave concern to the Government of the United States.
In 1889, word was received that Barima, at the mouth of the Orinoco, had been declared a British port. Mr. Blaine, then Secretary of State, immediately instructed