the Quarterly Reviewer, and John Campbell, the present Lord Chan

cellor, rose from obscurity to fame.

Moreover, the people have been in all ages and countries the greatest bulwark of Truth and of Liberty. Martin Luther's doctrines were first accepted by the manufacturing population of Saxony, and thence spread to enlighten the whole of Europe. The Reformation in England derived its original support from weavers, numbers of whom sealed the testimony with their blood. During the year 1528, this same body of artizans resisted the encroachments of Rome. Subsequently, the Puritan movement gained their favor and assistance; whilst towards the middle of the seventeenth century they likewise upheld the Covenant. That embodiment of the free spirit in France, the unhappy Huguenots, were chiefly operatives in the silk factories. The Revocation of the Edict of Nantes was aimed at those who lived by the sweat of their brow. Thus the normal stages of civil and religious liberty have been developed by the instrumentality of the people. Montalembert's gibes at the "egotism" of the industrial community will never detract from their historical association with the advancement of Freedom. He further tells us (Sec. XII.) though Protestantism has "all the characteristics of a positive substantial religion," yet the working classes of England exhibit nearly "absolute indifference and ignorance" concerning spiritual things. But the English Aristocracy shew" an open and practical profession of religious feeling, assiduity at public worship, with an active, constant solicitude for the poor," etc. If Lord Shaftesbury be taken as the model, no one can dispute such a standard of Christian virtue. However, refinement is not per se excellence, any more than all that glitters must be gold. We are indisposed to examine the superiority of hauteur and fashion over the vulgar poor: it is an unprofitable theme. All honor to the nobility and gentry of England that they so comport themselves as to gain a character for piety and benevolence. But this distinction becomes invidious when drawn at the expense of the humbler classes. Let justice and truth have free course, even amidst our darling privileges. Christianity is a Republic, which, irrespective of temporal station, encircles the whole world-yea, on the same equality as our universal right to the very air we breathe. Take a survey of Anglo-Christian Churches at this moment, and almost the entire body of worshippers will be found of the middle and plebeian orders. Necessarily their numerical preponderance in society must not escape attention. The Sunday School teachers are an example. Besides,

on every hand there is abundant proof that, as a nation, we are anything but apathetic in religious concerns. The people of England do not, alas, exhibit the graces of Christianity in their fall lustre, still they (the former) are neither "absolutely indifferent" nor altogether "ignorant" of those things which relate to their eternal welfare. Our zeal in the diffusion of saving knowledge is sufficient to refute Montalembert's unjust assertion. England's Missionary enterprize will by itself confound a legion of such critics.

These remarks lead us to notice the political sections of the Count de Montalembert's Treatise. As previously stated, PROTESTANTISM AND LIBERTY are convertible terms. The essentials of any specific form of Government, whether it be democratic or monarchical, may exist only in name. Though "Catholic Barons” extracted Magna Charta out of King John, yet, as hitherto shewn, the Pontiff himself, together with the Priesthood, condemned that measure in the most express terms. Queen Mary overturned all prescription that ran counter to her bigotry. Jefferies on the judgment seat subverted the free opinions of jurors, and so far as the constitutional administration of justice was involved, he made their verdicts a nullity. Despotism seldom avows itself. We must therefore investigate not only the objects contemplated by certain laws, but also to what extent their spirit has been maintained during respective states of society, and under different modes of Government. The practical advantages arising out of any system of legislation or authority can alone merit popular approval. To style England the impregnable asylum of Liberty, and yet enslave her Religion, is a theoretical expedient that the Papists have frequently played off at our cost. Montalembert thus creates a hideous paradox in declaring "Protestantism to be a spirit of evil," because, as a nation, we have made rapid progress ever since official Anglo-Catholicism ceased to draw its supplies from the 66 'pure reservoir." There is no great amount of skill needed to detect some of the causes that led to this result. Firstly, the admixture of Politics and Religion, which are the constituents of Romanism, is distasteful to the English. Papacy alone can blend Mammon and Theology. The Church must be separate from the world. Mankind may look with suspicion upon a religious system which has included a Richelieu and an Eccius. The reason is manifest. Every one has a physical, moral and intellectual constitution, and the primary rule of it rests with God. The Kingdom of our moral nature is the heart, and the sceptre that governs

it, the conscience. This in turn is tributary to the understanding. Now Popery absorbs these principles in a general current of worldly observances. Frenchmen themselves are the most nominal Papists of any country. Denude France of the confessional with its female votaries, and what is Popery? A system of formalism which has surrendered the people to Infidelity. This evil may be solved in a few words-Roman Catholicism is not a religion of the life. Pure theocracy, that is, a government under the immediate superintendence of God, must have a Scriptural basis, and in its workings exhibit all the perfections of Christian discipline and of virtue. Sumptuary laws are despised in the countries yielded up to Romanism. The Church herself ordains that polity. The decalogue has been tampered with to supply a Divine precedent. In the Italian School Catechism, the second Commandment is omitted, and the fourth altered thus "Remember thou keep holy the days of the festival." On Sunday, theatres and balls, gamblers and courtezans thrive apace. The old English Revels once formed a part of this desecration of the Lord's Day. We feel assured that no right thinking man wishes a recurrence to such a system of profanity. Socrates tells us "men are cloquent enough about that which they understand." Therefore the Truth will never languish for want of exponents.

A second reason why Protestantism and Liberty are inseparable elements of our national polity is that the constitution of England has no tendency to centralization. These non-oligarchical* principles are the very life of religious independence. We have no Tyrant to fetter the Church; nor any censorship over our Civil Liberty; no patriotism that vibrates at the touch of an Imperial hand for it is vox populi rules England. In a word, we are FREE. Abroad, the main-spring must be either the Pope, or some kindred Despot. Here we govern ourselves. In voting the Royal expenditure down to levying the Poor Rates every Englishman has a right to express his opinion. This individuality of action tends to good, because it eliminates truth from error as well as curbs autocracy. Englishmen so highly value self-government that each parish assesses its own rates rather than submit to any local dictator. Forgetful of this national characteristic, it has been the fashion of late years among predatory Frenchmen to write essays full of gloomy and distorted views of England. Montalembert plagiarises Guizot's sentiment touching our national benevolence. Lamartine espied sedition lurking

* It gave rise to the Congregationalists, a powerful body of Dissenters.

at every corner of London's streets. Leonormant regrets that we have lost the "treasures" of Catholic faith and unity. Ledru Rollin's anxiety for the downfall of England led to-La Décadence de l'Angleterre. Thiers and Jules Maurel said a few flattering things about us. Many "distinguished" French refugees have taken up the thread and spun out their narratives according to fancy. But the English character is not to be drawn off-hand by any scribe, whether home or foreign. Sphinx-like, a mysterious and practical apathy encircles us. There are no vivas in our streets-no movement to the right and sensation to the left whilst our Senators deliberate-nor is every military success termed a splendid victory which covers our army with glory. Such vaunting and enthusiasm are un-English. Justly it may be urged (though the Civil Government of this country is far from being perfect and her religion does not embrace Christian unity) that when we glance at the map of the World and behold the free institutions of America branded with the curse of slavery, and the whole continent of Europe more or less subject to Despotism and infected by Bigotry we fear not to adopt the language of the Noble Bard, "England with all thy faults I love thee still."

The remaining subsidiaries of the Comte de Montalembert's Essay present a quaint juxtaposition. 1.-Sundry old facts relating to a wellknown Candle Company prove the zeal of British youths to educate themselves. 2. Hero-worship and Cromwellism tend to deprave the public mind and to undermine English prestige. The Rabelais style of writing, as copied by Mr. Carlyle, is the focus of this shaft against the Radicals. 3. British institutions also "have nothing special about them, but are a progressive development,"* which latter is compared or rather poised as to intelligence with all Europe during the Middle Agesexcept the Byzantine Empire, and that was corrupted by Cæsarism. 4. Then "the immoderate egotism of English commerce" is hit off. No class can feel so justly independent as that which is sustained by industry and perseverance. 5. We next encounter an antithesis, namely, a Lord past and present. Between the medium of "inanition and sterile pride”—the popular and the aristocrat, Montalembert's opinion of a patrician is sketched with the delicacy and point of an advertisement for a dancing-master. Everybody knows what an English Nobleman ought to be. The standard is not surrounded by an elegant profusion similar to that of Germany, where a tailor may style himself Count. Nay; we

* In 1849 the educational expenditure of this country was £109,948, while the estimate for the current year [1859] is £930,314.

are a matter-of-fact people even in our "egotism." 6. Another Lord and a "rich City Merchant" discuss the temporal prospects of their "younger sons" in the event of Reform coming to pass. This dialogue ends with "great applause," the man of the Mart having hinted that an alteration in our representative system is imperative, because we, as a nation, so perfectly understand the advantages arising out of a change from worse to better. Let us endorse the City Merchant's logic. 7. After this delectable incident, the French critic tells his readers that the word mèsalliance has no equivalent in the English vernacular. To meet such a deficiency we append its meaning (which, by the way, is not very formidable) viz., marrying beneath ones-self. 8. The remaining scraps of Montalembert's Essay cannot be viewed in proof of our national obligations, whether civil or religious. We feel no desire to examine every Gallic conceit just as though it were some oracular utterance from Delphi. Layard's wandering in Nineveh; the motto on the front of Bedlam-hospital; how Englishmen spend their money; and that true palladium of Aristocracy, the law of primogeniture, are subjects not very interesting to the general reader.

To recapitulate the main sections of this Review :

1. The Papal Hierarchy have in all ages tampered with the Civil Government of Nations, so as to make the wealth of the People an easy prey to the avaricious demands of the Roman Church.

2. History further teaches, that the Priesthood were libidinous, cruel and mercenary wretches, whose aim was not only the aggrandizement of the Catholic Church and the extension of its temporal power, but also the gratification of their own lusts under the mask of Religion.

3. Ignorance has been perpetuated wheresoever the Priesthood became dominant.

4. Popery contains the rudiments of Heathenism and Judaical tradition. 5. It has ever been a system of persecution.

Therefore the essentials of Roman Catholicism are IDOLATRY and IGNORANCE, DESPOTISM and CRUELTY, and the making of the WORD OF GOD of NONE EFFECT.

All these points we have fully exemplified. The continuity of Papal oppression is still intact, though partly restrained within the bounds of humanity by the force of public opinion and the progress of enlightenment. Annexed are a few examples. A correspondent writing from Florence on June 29th, 1859, says :-" After Perugia had been sacked by