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business issues assumed would have supplied it. He was working both on behalf of the political leader, in whom he most believed, and on behalf of the idea, embodied in his own life. For a man of his experience and outlook there could be no higher object of political leadership than the increased happiness which the American people would obtain from a revival of active business and remunerative employment. Mr. Hanna sincerely believed that the nomination and election of his friend constituted the best means of restoring to American business its normal condition of prosperous expansion and to the American people their customary amount of personal economic satisfaction. The possibility that he might by the same act fulfil his most cherished personal ambition, make his best friend President of the United States, and contribute most effectually to the welfare of his fellow-countrymen was so alluring to Mr. Hanna that it called for some sacrifice. For fourteen years he had been a business man with incidental political interests. Now that business prosperity itself was dependent in his opinion on the political triumph of his party, and the work of nominating his friend was reaching a critical phase, Mr. Hanna decided to become a politician with incidental business interests. He decided to sacrifice his own business career and his chance of greater personal wealth to the opportunities and responsibilities of an increasing participation in politics. In the fall of 1894 (after the Republican victory in the congressional elections) Mark Hanna went to his brother, Mr. Leonard Hanna, and declared that he proposed to withdraw from active and responsible direction of the business of M. A. Hanna & Co. He would, of course, always be ready to give his advice, and when in Cleveland to lend his coöperation; and he would retain a substantial interest in the partnership. But he did not wish to be tied down any longer to the routine of office work. He proposed to get some amusement out of what remained of his life, to go away when he wanted, and to do what he wanted. He offered to his brother as compensation for assuming the additional responsibility and work a part of his own interest in the profits of the firm; and this offer was far more liberal than Leonard Hanna himself believed to be justified by the transfer of work. In January, 1895, Mark Hanna was as good as his word. He ceased, thereafter, to do more than exercise an indirect supervision over the business whose expansion had been for almost twenty-eight years his dominant preoccupation. Mr. Hanna never intimated in his conversation with Mr. Leonard Hanna that he was retiring for the purpose of giving his time and attention to the nomination of McKinley. But such was the fact. He had come to the parting of the ways. Politics had become more absorbing than business. He decided to make his political ambition the salient one in his life. The work of nominating McKinley was reaching its final and critical stage. It required the better part of his time and attention. Nothing else should be allowed to stand in its way. That he realized, when he took this step, the consequences to himself of McKinley's nomination, there is no reason to believe. He was not a calculating man in respect to his own deeper interests. It was enough that the task of bringing about McKinley's nomination demanded almost undivided attention, that he saw a good chance of success and that in the distance there loomed vaguely an attractive probability of increased personal power and influence. His past life did nothing to prophecy that after McKinley's election he could occupy any political position but that of confidential adviser and political manager to the President. Not even his closest friends suspected at this time the strength of will, the flexibility of talent, the undeveloped power of personal popularity and the rare executive abilities, which enabled him subsequently to grow up to one opportunity of power after another. Before Mr. Hanna withdrew from active business he had not pretended to keep his hands on all the details of the McKinley campaign. To a large extent the candidate had been his own general manager. No account of the promotion of his candidacy would be correct which understated the essential part played by Mr. McKinley himself. He had many friends and acquaintances among the Republican leaders in all parts of the Union, and he, himself, had established certain alliances which were of the utmost value to his personal cause. No important step was taken without consulting him, and his counsel and coöperation were indispensable to the success of the enterprise. But there are limits which a candidate cannot exceed in working on behalf of his own nomination. Above all, his own personal participation in the canvass cannot become too conspicuous. His most effective assistants, Mr. Hanna apart, were Major Charles Dick, the Chairman of the State Committee, and Mr. Joseph P. Smith, State Librarian of Ohio. These two gentlemen, and particularly the former, had been sent on missions all over the country, but chiefly in the South, preparing against the time when the work of actually electing the delegates must begin. Mr. Hanna's first step after retiring from business was to rent a house in Thomasville, Georgia, for five years. He had never liked the northern winters, and if he were going to devote the rest of his life (as he told his brother) to the enjoyment of a good time, what better way of doing it than that of living during the cold weather in the sunshine of the South. There, somewhat later, he was joined by his friend Governor McKinley, for Mark Hanna was a sociable man, and he could not enjoy a really good time unless he were surrounded by good company. The Governor appeared to be very good company. The house party was marred by an illness of the honored guest, which blocked in part a proposed excursion to Florida; but when it was over every one agreed that the host and his guests had been benefited and entertained by the visit. A part of the entertainment prepared by Mr. Hanna for his guest and himself consisted in inviting a great deal of company to meet the Governor. Day after day the two friends sat in the sun parlor and received these visitors. They did not come merely from the vicinity of Thomasville. Gentlemen from all over the South flocked to Mr. Hanna's house, in order to have a little chat with the Governor and his friend. As befitted good Republicans, no color line was drawn. Negroes as well as white men were introduced to the amiable Mr. McKinley; and when they departed they had all been most favorably impressed by his winning personality. The Governor showed his appreciation of the efforts which his host was making to entertain him by being unusually courteous and affable. Mr. Melville Hanna, who also had a house in Thomasville and who was present at some of these interviews, was very much impressed by the tact with which the host treated his stream of guests, the engaging candor with which he talked to them and the favorable impression made on them by Governor McKinley. In spite of Mr. McKinley's illness the house party was a great success. The host had a particularly good time. When it was all over he could reasonably count upon having obtained for the benefit of his guest a considerable majority of the Southern delegates to the Republican Convention of 1896. The Republican politicians of the South had been converted to McKinley, and the foundation of a pro-McKinley organization laid. The work was so well done, that although frantic efforts were subsequently made by able and unscrupulous Northern politicians to stem the tide in favor of McKinley in the South, they had small success. Mr. Hanna and Mr. McKinley had put a correct estimate on the situation in that part of the country. They had nothing to offer in return for the delegates that could not be offered on behalf of another candidate – viz. the Federal offices in the event of success — but they divined that personal attention means much to Southerners; and they had used most effectively the knowledge. By making McKinley's personality familiar to Southern Republicans and popular among them, they created a species of public opinion in the South favorable to his candidacy. It was a brilliant piece of tactics, which would only have occurred to a man of sound and kindly human feelings. During the spring of 1895, the McKinley campaign met with a discouraging set-back. At the State Convention held late in May at Zanesville, Mr Hanna and his friends lost control of the state organization. There were three candidates for governor, James H. Hoyt, Samuel K. Nash and Asa Bushnell. The pro-McKinley strength was divided between Mr. Hoyt, the Cleveland candidate, and Mr. Nash. A combination composed of Mr. Foraker, George B. Cox and A. L. Conger succeeded in nominating Asa Bushnell. Foraker was indorsed for the next senatorship — a course for which there was no precedent in Ohio. An associate of Mr. Foraker, formerly his private Secretary, Charles L. Kurtz, was made chairman of the State Committee, and his predecessor, Mr. Dick, was denied a coveted nomination for State Auditor. It is true that an open breach was avoided by the indorsement of McKinley as a presidential candidate; but the McKinleyites were far from satisfied with their share of the spoils. The outcome was generally interpreted as a victory for Mr. Foraker; and Mr. McKinley's opponents in other states used it to cast a doubt upon McKinley's ability to go to the Convention with the united support of his own state. In the end the consequences of the defeat were, however, much more serious to Mr. Hanna than they were to Mr. McKinley. Up to this time the headquarters of the McKinley organization had been situated in Columbus. After the State Convention it was moved to Mr. Hanna's own office in the PerryPayne Building. For the first time he himself took charge of all the details, and his chief assistant, besides those already named, was the Attorney General of the state, J. K. Richards. Mr. J. P. Smith helped with the office work, while Major Dick was kept chiefly on the road. But, of course, the summer continued to be a time of preliminary preparation. The Governor made several visits to Cleveland and while there was always a guest at Mr. Hanna's house. The same tactics were employed as those which had proved to be so successful during the previous winter at Thomasville. Many prominent Republicans were invited to meet McKinley under the hospitable roof of his friend; and it was rare that the candidate failed to captivate his visitors. In the meantime general conditions continued to be favorable. There was no revival of business to diminish the value of the wares offered by the “advance agent of prosperity,” and straw votes taken in many different states indicated a strong tide of popular sentiment in McKinley's favor. Not until late in the fall of 1895 did Messrs. McKinley and Hanna learn the character and the extent of the opposition which they would be obliged finally to overcome. This opposition was not dangerous, because of the popularity of any alternative candidate. The only other candidates who had any claim on the nomination were Thomas B. Reed and ex-President Harrison. Of these Mr. Reed's strength was confined to N

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